QUEST FOR PEACE
Potential tragedy of miscalculation
Henry C.K. Liu
Part 1: Two nations, worlds apart
Part 2: Cold War links Korea, Taiwan
Part 3: Korea: Wrong war, wrong place, wrong enemy
Part 4: 38th Parallel leads straight to Taiwan
Part 5: History of the Taiwan time bomb
Part 6: Forget reunification - nothing to reunite
Part 7: The referendum question
Part 8: Avoiding another no-win war
This article appeared in AToL
on February 11, 2004
US calculations on
military intervention over Taiwan rest on strategic considerations. The
MacArthur doctrine of the military importance of Taiwan to US interests
in Asia had been framed in a Cold War geopolitical context of a hostile
China - that was a given. In the new post-Cold War geopolitical
context, the US military advantage from hanging on to Taiwan is more
than neutralized by the creation of a resultant hostile China out of a
friendly one, foreclosing the prospect of a strategic partnership for a
stable Asia. Cordial US-China relations would spell more security to
the United States than US control of Taiwan could ever offer.
Thus the United States has no intrinsic strategic interest in Taiwan,
except diplomatic credibility that may affect US strategic defense
commitments to Japan and South Korea. US policy on Taiwan, disguised as
defense for democracy and capitalism, is really held hostage to the
traditional Japanese view of the importance of Taiwan for Japanese
security. Taiwan is the only pro-Japanese territory in Asia. and it
will be its first objective in future expansion into Southeast Asia. US
policy planners argue that if the United States should define Taiwan in
terms of Japanese security interests, as theater missile defense (TMD)
implies, and subsequently fail to defend that very strategic interest,
Japanese rearmament may well result. Yet Japanese interest in Taiwan is
framed in threats from non-Asian sources, not from China, whose
proximity to Japan is further north.
De facto US occupation of Taiwan does not serve Japanese long-range
national interest. Japan is much more interested in resolving the North
Korea nuclear issue with the cooperation of China and would not
complicate the problem with Japanese opposition to Chinese control of
On the other hand, if Taiwan moves toward independence, even if without
Japanese support, it will spark Japanese ambitions toward it over time,
not to mention immediate Chinese action. Thus the optimum solution for
the United States may well be an early accommodation with China, before
the growing divergence of US-Japan interests escalates, so that the
return of Taiwan to China may be viewed by Japan as a neutral
development in terms of Japanese security and national interests.
US intervention in any armed conflict over Taiwan will involve US bases
in Japan. That will force Japan to choose between a hostile
relationship with China and the existing US-Japan alliance and its
strategic interests in Taiwan. How Japan will choose is by no means
clear or predictable, and the US might be taken aback, just as
Washington was shocked by Ankara's refusal to allow the United States
use of its bases in Turkey in support of the Iraq war. Japan has been
trying to shift gradually from its now unhappy economic dependence on
the US, with which contentious trade disputes have been intensifying
and satisfactory resolutions appearing more remote over time, by
developing alternative markets and economic relations in Asia,
particularly China, and in Europe.
Japan would be drawn into Taiwan conflict
Japan cannot escape concluding that the Asian financial crises of 1997
were caused - if not engineered - by US-led finance globalization and
dollar hegemony and that Japan has been a collateral victim while the
US has been a happy beneficiary.
The immediate threat to Japan during the Cold War was the Soviet Union,
the dissolution of which changed the basis of the US-Japan defense
alliance. Japanese security issues with North Korea and China may in
fact be simpler with a reduced US presence, by deflecting anti-US
sentiment from Japan. Both the left and the right in Japanese politics
oppose the US-Japan defense alliance. The left does not wish to see
Japan dragged into a war in Asia merely to defend US interests, while
the right opposes the defense treaty as an insulting obstacle to
Japan's sovereign right to rearm. Japan is now using US pressure to
send Japanese troops to Iraq as an opening for Japanese military
independence. Just as the nature of the North Atlantic Treaty
Organization (NATO) has changed after the Cold War, the US-Japan
defense alliance faces a very uncertain future.
Taiwan may well be the focus for Japan to address its future security
options. Thus it is natural for China to consider it imperative to
reach an understanding with Japan independent of US positions over
Taiwan, as China has begun to do with Europe.
The United States, Japan and China have a common interest to manage the
Taiwan issue and the North Korea nuclear issue to prevent a destructive
unraveling of the Asian-Pacific strategic balance, resulting in an
unending confrontation between the US and China, similar to the
situation with Cuba, Iran, Iraq or worse, and/or a breakdown in the
US-Japan alliance, and/or a re-emergence of hostile regional rivalry
between Japan and China. The US is facing enormously difficult problems
in the Middle East, in the Persian Gulf, and increasingly with a
problematic Russia, a challenging European community and a populist
Latin America. With such a global range of pressing problems, with the
support of traditional allies such as France, Germany and Japan
becoming more conditional on the US curbing its unilateralism, and an
open-ended global "war of terrorism", the US does not need China as an
The US insistence on molding China in its own image as a condition for
a constructive relationship is foolhardy. Yet US leadership has been
timid in shepherding public opinion away from demonizing China.
Deep-rooted US antagonism toward China has forced all US
administrations since 1949 to bypass normal diplomatic and
institutional channels in their dealings with China, at times with an
energetic White House that even cut out the State and Defense
departments, let alone Congress and the press.
This style of foreign policy unfortunately leaves US policy on China
devoid of broad-based support or even understanding. Thus Washington's
China policy has been allowed to fall victim to the peculiar dynamics
of domestic politics and the whims of energetic policy wonks, the
latest being the neo-conservatives. Many US analysts rightly criticize
China for being inept in its handling of the US Congress, popular
opinion, and US religious groups. Yet the responsibility for nurturing
this faulty Chinese perspective traces back in no small way to an
arrogant White House that saw foreign policy as its imperial
prerogative. China has become a political football in US presidential
elections every four years, with the sitting administration, Republican
or Democrat, targeted by the opposition for being soft on China
diplomatically and economically.
Promoting China's dismemberment weakens the region
US attempts to defuse rising Chinese national capabilities through its
clandestine support for separatist forces will not succeed, because
China will resist such development at all costs. A policy of
fragmentation or dismemberment of China, by encouraging its breakup
into independent regions and provinces, is a contradiction in logic. A
weak China that can be dismembered is a threat to everyone, so a policy
of fragmentation to reduce a so-called China threat is not only
unnecessary, it will in fact bring about chaos that will threaten
regional or even global stability. In fact, a US policy to fragment
China would be a guarantee to ignite precisely the kind of Chinese
super-nationalism that its enemies are interested in avoiding. The
"Open Door" policy of US secretary of state John Hay worked out that
logic a century ago.
New China's national purpose is one of redressing a century of national
victimization under Western imperialism and its residual reincarnation
in neo-liberal globalization. Until the current order of residual
imperialist exploitation is redressed, no Chinese government can accept
the status quo and expect to stay in power for long. China's national
interests lie in a rightful fulfillment of Chinese "manifest destiny"
to balance its rich traditional culture with modern scientific
technology. It involves a renaissance of Chinese culture and societal
values in the socialist vision of Da Tong (great commonality). It
involves the justifiable recovery of territories lost under the age of
China, by political logic and by virtue of its size and long history,
is entitled to major-power status and deserves the acknowledgment of
that status by all. It seeks to expand its rightful influence in
international institutions and forums that make decisions economically
and strategically for the region and the world. China's destiny is
being fueled by a revival of popular nationalism and renewed confidence
in its cultural heritage. Any government that does not respond to these
national aims cannot govern China for long. Any foreign government that
does not acknowledge this Chinese destiny cannot hope for good
relations with China.
A new US policy of containment of China will be counterproductive and
futile. Such a policy will unnecessarily create a hostile China and
force it again into the role of a garrison state. Asian governments
would no longer support such a US policy in the post-Cold War world.
Yet former US president Bill Clinton's policy of "constructive
engagement" was based on a dubious objective: changing China through
"peaceful evolution". That policy required the militarization of the
peace, by using trade as an ideological weapon of moral imperialism. It
purports to change China in America's image by engaging it with trade.
In the end, neither trade nor peace was served by this policy.
President George W Bush has retreated from his strategic-competitor
posture on China since the US launched the "war on terrorism".
Now the Democrats are demonizing Chinese monetary and economic policy
as the cause of joblessness in the United States, rather than
structural defects in US-engineered globalization. Just as US domestic
politics caused the blunders of the Korean War and the hostile
containment of China for half a century afterward, US domestic politics
will set the course of US-China relations for the coming century - and
the fate of Asia and the world.
Recovering Taiwan the centerpiece of China's
Security threats faced by China in a multipolar world have not
diminished. The main threat has shifted now to the form of ethnic
separatism, mainly orchestrated by US interests in the name of freedom,
human rights and democracy, at least up to the launching of the current
"war on terrorism". This is why the recovery of Taiwan is a sine
qua non of Chinese national security. Increasingly, China
recognizes economic development as a key tool in combating ethnic
separatism, not political suppression. Historically, a prosperous China
attracted fringe ethnic groups seeking to join the center for obvious
benefits, and a poor center feeds centrifugal forces toward separatism.
Much of Chinese history had been devoted to efforts to keep out envious
neighboring ethnic groups.
Current policies in both Washington and Beijing are locked on a
collision track. An excessively hostile and belligerent approach to
China in general and the Taiwan issue in particular will reinforce the
prospect of China concluding that war with the United States is
unavoidable. Recent official government and military contacts between
the US and Taiwan are viewed by China as direct violations of the three
communiques. Bush's reference to Taiwan as the Republic of China in a
televised press conference soon after his inauguration was undeniably
provocative. On the other hand, excessive appeasement on the part of
the current Chinese leadership toward US belligerence will only
reinforce former US secretary of state George Shultz's notion of a
helpless China without options, causing the US to push its anti-China
policies even harder. The danger of miscalculation in both capitals is
very real. No Chinese government can survive the independence of
Taiwan, nor can peace in Asia or even the world.
Just as Washington ignored repeated messages from China about its
intention to enter the Korean War in 1950 to the detriment of all, the
Taiwan issue is shaping up to be a potential tragedy of miscalculation.
The ideal solution is a peaceful solution. But there is no doubt that
if military conflict is necessary, China will use it, regardless of
cost. Recent US policy on Taiwan appears to be based on a momentous
miscalculation of this fact. It is a miscalculation that would lead to
a military conflict with no winners. China can learn lessons from the
way president John F Kennedy handled the Cuban missile crisis in order
to preempt a nuclear confrontation with the Soviet Union.
The way to prevent US miscalculation over Taiwan is through credible
Chinese brinkmanship. The new Chinese diplomatic offensive against US
hegemony by strengthening bilateral ties with the European Union,
Japan, Egypt, Libya, Iran, Venezuela, India and African nations should
be a warning to US policymakers on the geopolitical irony of their
Allowing the historical conditions of Taiwan to hamper a constructive
relationship between China and the United States is to lose the future
in pursuit of the past. For China to pursue a course of domestic
economic development and adopt a policy of promoting peace and
stability, the Taiwan issue has to be settled first. Further delay will
only raise the final cost and make peaceful resolution more difficult.
The Taiwan and the Korea situations are two dangerous military
flashpoints in the complex and challenging foreign and defense policy
issues facing the United States in the Asia-Pacific region. The North
Korea nuclear issue cannot be solved without Chinese cooperation. While
it is obvious that the denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula is in
the interest of all, the Taiwan problem had its origin in US
intervention in the Korean civil war and the Korean nuclear issue, and
like that other conflict, the Taiwan issue is a product of the
unfinished Korean civil war.
US-Taiwan defense ties undermine China ties
There is no more sensitive issue in US-China relations than the Taiwan
issue. Moreover, the US-Taiwan defense relationship is the most
controversial aspect of that relationship. The Bush administration's
policy toward Taiwan, at least in the first term, is markedly different
from the Clinton administration's position, at least in its second
term. On defense issues, President Bush's policy has clearly moved from
one of "strategic ambiguity" to one of greater "strategic clarity".
Even before the last US presidential election, the Republican Party
platform, which was ratified by the GOP (Grand Old Party) in
Philadelphia in August 2000, stated: "Our policy is based on the
principle that there must be no use of force by China against Taiwan.
We deny the right of Beijing to impose its rule on the free Taiwanese
people. All issues regarding Taiwan's future must be resolved
peacefully and must be agreeable to the people of Taiwan. If China
violates these principles and attacks Taiwan, then the United States
will respond appropriately in accordance with the Taiwan Relations Act.
America will help Taiwan defend itself."
The platform added in a separate section of the document: "Taiwan
deserves America's strong support, including the timely sale of
defensive arms to enhance Taiwan's security." Secretary of State Colin
Powell, in his confirmation testimony before the Senate Foreign
Relations Committee in January 2001, affirmed: "The United States will
maintain the capacity to resist any form of coercion that jeopardizes
the security of the social or economic system of the people of Taiwan."
Early in his tenure, President Bush clarified the US commitment to
defend Taiwan. On ABC's Good Morning America television show on
April 25, 2001, the president stated that if the People's Republic of
China (PRC) attacked Taiwan, the US had an obligation to defend the
Taiwanese. He declared that the United States would do "whatever it
took to help Taiwan defend itself". Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao told the
Washington Post in an interview last November 21, on the eve of his
first visit to the US: "The Chinese people will pay any price to
safeguard the unity of the motherland."
"Whatever it took" was matched by "pay any price". In a February 2002
speech to a US-Taiwan Business Council meeting in St Petersburg,
Florida, Deputy Defense Secretary Paul Wolfowitz noted, "As President
Bush and others have said, the United States is committed to doing
whatever it takes to help Taiwan defend itself. Our position is clear.
We don't support Taiwan independence, but we oppose the use of force."
At the same conference, Wolfowitz and James Kelly, assistant secretary
of state for East Asian and Pacific Affairs. each met with Taiwanese
Defense Minister Tang Yao-ming.
This was the first visit of a Taiwanese defense minister to the United
States since the breaking of official relations with Taiwan in 1979.
This meeting established a new precedence in the defense relationship,
and publicly demonstrated a strong US interest in issues related to
Taiwan's security. Other high-level defense visits have also taken
place since that time. On Taiwan defense issues, the Bush
administration clearly showed much less equivocation in policy than in
Consistent with long-standing US policy, while the Bush administration
supports a "one China" policy as stipulated in the three Sino-US joint
communiques and acknowledges that Beijing views Taiwan as a part of
China, it does not itself accept that view. Thus officially, the "one
China" policy supported by the US is not identical to China's "one
China" policy. Adherence to the 1979 Taiwan Relations Act (TRA, Public
Law 96-8) is fundamental to Bush administration policy. The TRA
mandates arms sales that allow Taiwan to "maintain a sufficient
More specifically, in terms of the US-Taiwan defense relationship, the
administration believes this means maintaining a military balance
across the Taiwan Strait through the provision of arms, military
services and training to Taipei. The TRA also states that any attempt
by the PRC to settle the Taiwan issue by military means, including by
boycott or embargo, would be considered a threat to the peace of the
region and a matter of grave concern to the United States.
The biggest change from long-standing policy is the administration's
belief that fulfilling former president Ronald Reagan's 1982 secret
"Six Assurances" to Taiwan is an important element of US policy. The
Six Assurances were conveyed to Taipei as a result of the August 17,
1982, Sino-US joint communique, in which the United States pledged that
it "does not seek to carry out a long-term policy of arms sales to
Taiwan, that its arms sales to Taiwan will not exceed, either in
qualitative or quantitative terms, the level of those supplied in
recent years ... and that it intends to reduce gradually its sales of
arms to Taiwan, leading over a period of time to final resolution". On
this basis, the PRC argues that the US should no longer be selling arms
to Taiwan at all.