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MONEY,
POWER and MODERN ART
PART
V: Modern art and freedom of expression
By
Henry C K Liu
PART 1: Ruthless Empire Builders
PART 2: A Monetary Coup d'etat
PART 3: The Year of Contradictions
PART 4: Modern art and Socialism
Abby Aldrich Rockefeller and two other serious collectors created the
Museum of Modern Art in response to the Metropolitan Museum's lack of
enthusiasm for the work of modern artists they collected. When her
third child and second son Nelson, in whom she had cultivated a
life-long love for modern art, graduated from college in 1930 at age
22, he was appointed chairman of the Junior Advisory Committee of the
museum and began to take an active role in its affairs. The Junior
Advisory Committee under Nelson Rockefeller soon became aware of public
criticism of the Modern's near-exclusive focus on modern European
artists. In fact, the opening exhibit of the Museum of Modern Art
consisted entirely of European artists. It was one thing to face the
fact that US culture had yet to flower while pre-modern art was being
created in Europe and other ancient cultures, but the Untied States had
come of age in the modern era and American artists now deserved their
place in the sun. The Junior Advisory Committee criticized the museum's
trustees for neglecting the works of American artists and, in response,
the trustees authorized the committee to organize a show, "Murals by
Painters and Photographers", of works of American muralists who were
beginning to be productive under the aegis of the Works Progress
Administration (WPA) of the New Deal of president Franklin D Roosevelt.
The artists were commissioned in 1932 and, when the advance showing
unveiled their works, the trustees and young Nelson were shocked. Many
of the murals adopted the radical political tone of the time, with most
leaning sharply to the left.
Included in the exhibit was a work by Hugo Gellert (1892-1985), a
Hungarian immigrant who came to the US in 1906 at age 14, titled Us
Fellas Gotta Stick Together - Al Capone. It depicts Henry Ford,
president Herbert Hoover, J P Morgan, and John D Rockefeller Sr sitting
with none other than Al Capone, the celebrated Chicago gangster. The
statement made through this work of art, that capitalism is a crime and
the most successful capitalists are criminals, sent young art-loving
Nelson into a state of panic. Such a charge, in the atmosphere of the
Depression, when large numbers of hard-working people had suddenly lost
their jobs and life savings, struck a popular response not only from
the radical left but also from the conservative right, which had always
viewed members of the Eastern money trust as little better than
criminals in their unethical machination over the nation's money
through the establishment of a privately owned central bank.
Gellert had provided the cover illustration for the first issue of a
new magazine, The Liberator (February 1918), which featured John Reed's
report on the Russian Revolution. By 1930, Gellert was a well-known
artist with a passionate commitment to leftist political agitation,
which he professed as inseparable from art. Gellert's activities
contributed significantly to the political tone of American art of the
1930s. He played a key role in organizing the Artists Committee for
Action and the Artists Union, two pivotal institutions that greatly
contributed to the instigation and perpetuation of the federally funded
WPA art programs. He served on the editorial committee of Art Front,
official publication of the Artists Union. A Gellert drawing adorned
the masthead of the premier issue, with a Stuart Davis drawing on the
cover. Gellert helped organize the American Artists Congress of
February 1936, where he was the keynote speaker. He spoke at the second
American Artists Congress in December 1937 as well. Also in late 1937,
Gellert became involved with the Artists Coordination Committee for the
National Exhibition of Contemporary American Art at the 1939 New York
World's Fair. At the same time, Gellert oversaw the formation of a
labor union to protect the rights of muralists and their assistants as
the World's Fair was being planned. Gellert painted a spectacular mural
imbued with the technological optimism pervasive in 1930s Modernism for
the Communications Building at the Fair, which unfortunately, along
with two other murals in New York City painted during the 1920s and
1930s, have since been demolished along with the buildings that housed
them.
Gellert had been invited to Moscow by the USSR State Publishing House
to design book jackets for Russian editions of Theodore Dreiser's
books. Upon his return to New York in 1928, he painted a mural in the
Workers Party Cafeteria on Union Square. Deeply influenced by Russian
Modernism of the 1920s, it was one of the first Modernist murals in the
United States, just predating the North American commissions of Diego
Rivera (1886-1957) and Jose Clemente Orozco (1883-1949). Orozco painted
a mural at the New School for Social Research in New York, celebrating
fraternity, world revolution, labor, the arts and sciences and the
struggle against slavery, and a group of frescos for the Baker Library
at Dartmouth College (1932-34), where Nelson Rockefeller was an
alumnus.
In November 1928, shortly after the Workers Party Cafeteria mural's
unveiling, The New Yorker declared: "The Gellert murals are the only
ones on this continent except those of Rivera in Mexico City that are
really contemporary." About 2.4 meters high, Gellert's mural covered
one entire wall, 24 meters long, and a facing wall nine meters long.
The long wall included a frieze of monumental, brightly colored,
sculpturally rendered, industrial workers standing before precisionist
factories and mine structures. The mural was destroyed when the
building was demolished in 1954.
In 1932, Gellert captured headlines in New York with a mural study that
he submitted to the invited Museum of Modern Art's "Murals by Painters
and Photographers" exhibition. Gellert's painting Us Fellas Gotta
Stick Together - Al Capone (Collection of The Wolfsonian, Miami
Beach, Florida), along with Ben Shahn's famous The Passion of Sacco
and Vanzetti (Collection of the Whitney Museum of American Art,
New York) and a painting by William Gropper (1897-1977), was rejected
for the exhibition. Gropper's painting, The Lawmakers, once
hanging in the White House, is now part of the Clinton Presidential
Library collection in Arkansas. It was a gift to president Bill Clinton
in 1994. The Museum of Modern Art (MOMA) now lists more than 30 of
Gropper's etchings and lithographs in its permanent collection.
Gellert painted Us Fellas during a time when the Rockefeller
family was being criticized for commissioning no work by American
artists for the Rockefeller Center project. The right-wing extremists
had always attacked the Rockefellers for being internationalists. The
extreme right had gone as far as accusing J P Morgan of being a US
agent of the globalist Bank of England and the Rothschilds.
"Globalization" was a dirty word throughout much of US history when the
nation was the victim. In February 1932, The Art Digest reported: "The
rumor that the murals for Radio City, the Rockefeller project in the
heart of New York, were to be commissioned to Rivera, [Jose Maria] Sert
and other foreign artists [Frank Brangwyn] has stirred up a tempest."
The British painter Brangwyn worked under William Morris; his
subsequent travels provided inspiration for his paintings. He was
strongly influenced by the art nouveau movement, and is best
known for his large murals. In an article published in New Masses,
Gellert himself explained the backlash effect: "Upon the heels of this
upheaval, the Museum of Modern Art, of which Mrs John D Rockefeller Jr
is treasurer, invited [domestic] artists to participate in an
exhibition of mural decorations."
Gellert's Us Fellas was clearly meant to offend and provoke
the Rockefellers. The situation threatened to become embarrassing for
the museum when a number of other artists in the exhibition declared
that they would withdraw their works if the offending paintings by
Gellert, Gropper and Shahn were not hung. Wishing to avoid a scandal,
the museum quickly conceded and agreed to include the three works in
the exhibition (but not to reproduce them in the catalogue). However,
the press nonetheless played up the story. The day before the
exhibition opened, the New York Daily World Telegram announced:
"Insurgent art stirs up storm among society. Murals for Modern Museum
rejected as offensive, then accepted. Linked Hoover to Al Capone."
One would think that Gellert would then be assigned to the ranks of
untouchables by the Rockefellers. Indeed, Helen Appleton Read, a critic
for the Brooklyn Daily Eagle, observed:
It suffices to say that the panels sent
in by Gellert, Shahn and Gropper had no place in an exhibition
purporting to discover material with which to enrich the walls of
modern buildings.
But shortly after the "Murals by Painters and Photographers" show
closed, Gellert was contacted by Eugene Schoen, an interior designer
hired by the Rockefeller Center Corp, informing him that Wallace K
Harrison, a relative and close friend of Nelson Rockefeller, a liberal
from Massachusetts and one of the younger architects of Rockefeller
Center, had seen Gellert's cafeteria mural and wanted Gellert to paint
a mural for the Center Theater, a small cinema within the Rockefeller
Center complex. The mural was later destroyed when the movie theater
was demolished to make room for an office building.
In 1953, Paul Robeson was guest speaker at the 40th anniversary
observation of Gellert's career. Gellert appeared as himself in Warren
Beatty's 1982 film Reds as a "witness" to historic events. On
October 3, 1985, he spoke at the Masses exhibition at Whitney Museum,
New York, and two months later, on December 6, he died at home in
Freehold, New Jersey.
Trouble at Rockefeller Center
Nelson and the entire Rockefeller family
genuinely believed they were true lovers of art and freedom, and they
worked hard to project a public image of tolerance to which they tried
to live up in their personal lives. They were drawn to the idea of "art
for art's sake" as a philosophy embedded with a high sense of freedom.
Yet freedom to be abstract was less objectionable than freedom to
confront with realism. The Rockefellers had made extraordinary efforts
to display their art collections to the public, in keeping with their
commitment to public service, rather than locking it away in private
collections as selfish acquirers. Yet despite Nelson's love for art and
his support of freedom of expression in art, he could not reconcile
himself to the aggressively hostile ideological messages displayed by
some of these murals. While Nelson firmly believed that artists had an
inviolable right to express their political views, his commitment to
the sanctity of private property argued that artists should not abuse
their privilege by attacking the very system that allowed them to
exercise their right of free expression with funding of displays of
their art to the world. Yet freedom is indivisible. Denial of the
freedom to attack the sacred amounts to support for the profane. The
breaking of taboos is the very basis of freedom. Fearful of negative
publicity to their carefully cultivated liberal image from any attempt
to cancel the exhibit, the museum, under pressure from the solidarity
of many artists in the show, displayed the offensive murals as
inconspicuously as possible without further incident.
The controversy surrounding the Modern's American-mural exhibition set
the stage for a clash of ideological values that would once again place
the young Nelson Rockefeller in an uncomfortable position of having to
choose between freedom of expression through art, and the censorship of
art that expressed ideologies that opposed those of his class. While
the 1932 mural exhibition was being put together, Nelson was also put
in charge of commissioning an artist to paint a mural in the lobby of
the RCA Building under construction in Rockefeller Center, which today
is the GE Building after General Electric transformed itself from an
industrial corporation into a financial conglomerate and acquired RCA.
In 1929, Nelson's father, John D Rockefeller Jr, began construction of
the Rockefeller Center, a monument to good urban design, to provide
jobs in the midst of the Great Depression and to instill renewed
confidence in the collapsed economy and battered capitalism. The
project was intended to represent all that was good about capitalism at
a time when the modern capitalist system faced its greatest crisis. It
was also intended to reflect the achievements of the American way of
life while standing as a symbol of the future possibilities of
big-business capitalism. The task of decorating the lobby of this mecca
of capitalist progress fell to Mexican artist Diego Rivera, after the
terms of the commission had been rejected by Henri Matisse and Pablo
Picasso, who was one of Nelson's favorite artists despite being a
communist.
In November 1930, Rivera arrived in San Francisco to paint a mural for
the Stock Exchange. This was followed by a witty fresco for the
California School of Fine Art showing the painter and his team at work:
right at the center of the composition is Rivera's enormous backside.
He went to New York in November 1931 for a retrospective exhibition at
MOMA. This was the museum's 14th exhibition and only its second one-man
show - the first had been devoted to Matisse. It broke all previous
attendance records and transformed Rivera and his wife, Frida Kahlo,
into major celebrities symbolizing the populist spirit of the epoch.
His next stop was Detroit, where he had been invited to provide murals
for the inner courtyard of the Detroit Museum. The reception given to
the murals when they were officially unveiled in March 1933 was stormy,
but Rivera and his supporters prevailed. The painter then moved back to
New York to carry out a yet more prestigious commission - a mural for
the RCA Building, focal point of the new Rockefeller Center.
The decision to commission Rivera carried a known risk. Unlike Picasso,
whose commitment to communism was abstract, Rivera was an avowed
communist and was known to be inclined to fill his murals with realist
political imagery, not cubist abstraction. He was, however, an
extremely popular artist and was a favorite of Nelson's mother, Abby,
who was also a good friend of Rivera's communist comrade and artist
wife, Kahlo, briefly a lover of Leon Trotsky when the exiled
revolutionary was a guest at Rivera's home in Mexico. With the
reluctant consent of John D Rockefeller Jr, Rivera was offered a
generous commission of US$21,000 (equivalent of $5 million today) and
given a theme for the mural. The commission was not simply to decorate
the walls of the lobby of a major corporate headquarters building, but
to serve a propaganda function in the tradition of Michelangelo's
fresco on the ceiling of the Sistine Chapel. While Michelangelo's
Sistine Chapel ceiling was dedicated to the glory of God, Rivera's
mural in the RCA building was intended to glorify capitalism.
Rockefeller Jr wrote a letter to Rivera: "The philosophical or
spiritual quality should dominate ... We want the paintings to make
people pause and think and to turn their minds inward and upward ...
Our theme is NEW FRONTIERS ..." Rivera was given the cumbersome title
"Man at the Crossroads Looking with Hope and High Vision to the
Choosing of a New and Better Future," and he began work in March of
1933, the year Adolf Hitler came to power in Germany. To Rivera, a new
and better future pointed to communism. To Rockefeller, capital and
labor were natural symbiotic partners, not enemies, if only capital
would act with benevolence and labor with dependability, capitalism
would lead mankind to unbound destiny. This was a view that led to the
Ludlow Massacre of 1913.
The year 1913 was the one during which modern art was introduced to the
United States through the Armory Show, the same year that central
banking was instituted in the US to legitimize the private control of
money, and the same year of the Paterson Strike Pageant to support
workers' rights. It was also the year of the Ludlow Massacre. On
September 17, 1913, workers in the mines of the Rockefeller-owned
Colorado Fuel and Iron Co (CF&I) went on strike. The strike call
read: "All mineworkers are hereby notified that a strike of all the
coal miners and coke-oven workers in Colorado will begin on Tuesday,
September 23, 1913 ... We are striking for improved conditions, better
wages, and union recognition. We are sure to win." What came to be
known as the Ludlow Massacre occurred on Monday, April 20, 1914. More
than 3,000 kilometers separated the Rockefeller headquarters in New
York from southern Colorado, where one of history's most dramatic
confrontations between capital and labor took place. The face-off raged
for 14 hours, during which the miners' tent colony was pelted with
machine-gun fire and ultimately torched by the state militia. A number
of people were killed, among them two women and 11 children who
suffocated in a pit they had dug under their tent to protect themselves
from gunfire. The deaths were blamed on John D Rockefeller Jr, Abby's
husband and Nelson's father. For years after, the Rockefellers would
struggle to redress the tragic event, and strengthen the Rockefeller
social conscience and activism in the process.
The following record of communication provides a glimpse of the
ideological conflict behind the incident:
Rockefeller Jr to CF&I vice president Lamont Bowers after the
beginning of the strike, October 1913: "We feel that what you have done
is right and fair and that the position you have taken in regard to
[opposing] the unionizing of the mines is in the interest of the
employees of the company. Whatever the outcome, we will stand by you to
the end."
Lamont Bowers to Rockefeller, October 21: "Our net earnings would have
been the largest in the history of the company by $200,000 [$100
million today] but for the increase in wages paid the employees during
the last few months. With everything running so smoothly and with an
excellent outlook for 1914, it is mighty discouraging to have this
vicious gang come into our state and not only destroy our profit but
eat into that which has heretofore been saved."
Federal mediator Ethelbert Stewart commented on the situation that same
month: "Theoretically, perhaps, the case of having nothing to do in
this world but work ought to have made these men of many tongues as
happy and contented as the managers claim ... To have a house assigned
you to live in ... to have a store furnished you by your employer where
you are to buy of him such foodstuffs as he has, at a price he fixes
... to have churches, schools ... and public halls free for you to use
for any purpose except to discuss politics, religion, trade unionism or
industrial conditions; in other words, to have everything handed down
to you from the top; to be ... prohibited from having any thought,
voice or care in anything in life but work, and to be assisted in this
by gunmen whose function it was, principally, to see that you did not
talk labor conditions with another man who might accidentally know your
language - this was the contented, happy, prosperous condition out of
which this strike grew ... That men have rebelled grows out of the fact
that they are men."
Stewart unwittingly proclaimed a socialist vision, except for the
unmentioned siphoning off of surplus value - return on capital, or
profit to shareholders, from the blood and sweat of workers.
Rockefeller to Lamont Bowers, December 8, 1913: "You are fighting a
good fight, which is not only in the interest of your own company but
of other companies of Colorado and of the business interests of the
entire country and of the laboring classes quite as much. I feel
hopeful the worst is over and that the situation will improve daily.
Take care of yourself, and as soon as it is possible, get a little
let-up and rest."
Rockefeller, the benevolent capitalist, defended the "open shop" before
a congressional committee on April 6, 1914: "These men have not
expressed any dissatisfaction with their conditions. The records show
that the conditions have been admirable ... A strike has been imposed
upon the company from the outside ... There is just one thing that can
be done to settle this strike, and that is to unionize the camps, and
our interest in labor is so profound and we believe so sincerely that
that interest demands that the camps shall be open camps, that we
expect to stand by the officers at any cost."
Question: "And you will do that if it costs all your property and kills
all your employees?"
Rockefeller: "It is a great principle."
New York Times' account of the massacre on April 21, 1914: "The Ludlow
camp is a mass of charred debris, and buried beneath it is a story of
horror imparalleled [sic] in the history of industrial warfare. In the
holes which had been dug for their protection against the rifles' fire
the women and children died like trapped rats when the flames swept
over them. One pit, uncovered [the day after the massacre] disclosed
the bodies of 10 children and two women."
Rockefeller to Lamont Bowers, April 21: "Telegram received ... We
profoundly regret this further outbreak of lawlessness with
accompanying loss of life."
Socialist writer Upton Sinclair's open letter to Rockefeller, April 28:
"I intend to indict you for murder before the people of this country.
The charges will be pressed, and I think the verdict will be 'Guilty'.
I cannot believe that a man who dares to lead a service in a Christian
church can be cognizant and therefore guilty of the crimes that have
been committed under your authority. We ask nothing but a friendly talk
with you. We ask that in the name of the tens of thousands of men,
women and children who are this minute suffering the most dreadful
wrongs, directly because of the authority which you personally have
given."
Rockefeller's version of the events, June 10, 1914: "There was no
Ludlow massacre. The engagement started as a desperate fight for life
by two small squads of militia against the entire tent colony ... There
were no women or children shot by the authorities of the state or
representatives of the operators ... While this loss of life is
profoundly to be regretted, it is unjust in the extreme to lay it at
the door of the defenders of law and property, who were in no slightest
way responsible for it."
To Rockefeller, the deaths were caused by lawlessness, nothing else.
Rockefeller's testimony before the United States Commission on
Industrial Relations, January 26, 1915: "I should hope that I could
never reach the point where I would not be constantly progressing to
something higher, better - both with reference to my own acts and ...
to the general situation in the company. My hope is that I am
progressing. It is my desire to."
Question: "You are, like the Church says, 'growing in grace'?"
Rockefeller: "I hope so. I hope the growth is in that direction."
Rockefeller speaking to the miners on September 20, 1915: "We are all
partners in a way. Capital can't get along without you men, and you men
can't get along without capital. When anybody comes along and tells you
that capital and labor can't get along together, that man is your worst
enemy. We are getting along friendly enough here in this mine right
now, and there is no reason why you men cannot get along with the
managers of my company when I am back in New York."
United Mine Workers' leader John Lawson commented on Rockefeller's
visit to Colorado in September: "I believe Mr Rockefeller is sincere
... I believe he is honestly trying to improve conditions among the men
in the mines. His efforts probably will result in some betterments
which I hope may prove to be permanent. However, Mr Rockefeller has
missed the fundamental trouble in the coal camps. Democracy has never
existed among the men who toil under the ground - the coal companies
have stamped it out. Now, Mr Rockefeller is not restoring democracy; he
is trying to substitute paternalism for it."
Thus, 15 years later, Rockefeller looked for expression of his NEW
FRONTIER through Rivera, a free-spirited artist, exuberant, provocative
and an avowed communist. The Rockefellers had by then become the very
embodiment of liberal capitalism, and a family obsessed with virtue and
restraint and a heavy measure of religious guilt over wealth, derived
not so much from the controversial manner in which such wealth had been
accumulated, but by the very accumulation itself, which might have
subconsciously positioned them to select Rivera as an cleansing act of
self flagellation. Indeed, Diego Rivera and the Rockefellers could not
have been more different. And yet, for a brief moment in the midst of
the turbulent 1930s, they shared the spotlight in a bizarre and very
public drama. Their improbable association would soon unravel, bringing
about one of the biggest art scandals of the 20th century, with freedom
of expression as the victim. The "battle of Rockefeller Center", as
Rivera liked to call it, left both parties bruised - and the lobby of
the RCA Building devoid of a memorial to the dialectic relationship
between capitalism and socialism.
Unlike Rockefeller Jr, who was born to great wealth in the most
prosperous city in the United States, Diego Rivera was born in 1886 in
Guanajuato, Mexico, into a family of modest means. From a very early
age, Rivera showed a talent for art and drawing, unlike Rockefeller Jr,
who grew up in a household of conservative restraint and whose only
relationship to art was through obligatory collecting. At the age of
21, Rivera won a scholarship to study in Europe in 1907 and spent the
next 14 years there, mostly in Spain, where he was influenced by the
paintings of El Greco and Francisco de Goya, and later in France, where
he, already an accomplished artist, became involved with the
avant-garde, including Paul Cezanne, Picasso and Piet Mondrian, and
experimented with his own Cubist style. At one time, he shared a studio
with Amedeo Modigliani, who painted some striking portraits of him. He
also made contact with the Russian avant-garde, and was even known to
have two beautiful Russian mistresses.
But abstract art did not satisfy Rivera's political passion. Drawn by
the social movements unleashed by the Mexican Revolution, Rivera
decided to go back to his homeland in 1921. There, he developed a
unique style that combined the influence of European art with Mexico's
indigenous pre-Columbian iconography. In his populist murals, he used
vibrant colors and simple scenes of the plight of the working class
throughout Mexican history to convey his Marxist ideals. In 1922, his
revolutionary convictions led him to join the Mexican Communist Party
while Rockefeller Jr evolved gradually from conservative into liberal
Republicanism. During a visit to the Soviet Union in 1927, Rivera
painted a collection of sketches that would be purchased by an avid
American collector of modern art, Abby Rockefeller. Part of Rivera's
appeal to American collectors was his celebration of indigenous
culture, which non-native North Americans had rejected in favor of
aping British taste despite their political opposition to British
tyranny.
Abby's interest in the communist Mexican painter was not surprising. By
the early 1930s, Rivera had become one of the best-known and most
influential artists in the world, and its most famous muralist. His
politics were not controversial as radicalism was much in vogue and
communism was the preoccupation of the intellectual elite and
anti-communism had not yet found shelter behind the disingenuous mask
of anti-Soviet patriotism. In 1931, MOMA organized an extensive
retrospective of his work. A year later, notwithstanding his
ambivalence toward the United States, Rivera traveled to the US to work
on several commissions. He was accompanied by his wife, Frida Kahlo,
herself an accomplished painter. The culmination of the trip was to be
a large mural for the centerpiece of the most talked-about
architectural project in the country, the new Rockefeller Center.
Rivera's visit to the US unfolded against the backdrop of the Great
Depression and the intense social and political forces it had
unleashed. As an outspoken leftist, the Mexican painter tapped into
growing concerns over the upsurge in radicalism and the growth of the
Communist Party.
Fascinated by Rivera's passionate art, Abby and her son Nelson
Rockefeller had persuaded the management of Rockefeller Center to
commission him to paint a gigantic mural in the grand lobby of the RCA
Building. John D Rockefeller Jr reluctantly agreed to give the
commission to Rivera, though only as a business compromise. "As for
Rivera, although I do not personally care for much of his work; he
seems to have become very popular just now and will probably be a good
drawing card," he commented. It was an age when radicalism was good
marketing and fit into the Rockefellers' image of themselves as
enlightened capitalists.
Inspired by the very lofty theme of the mural, "Man at the Crossroads
Looking with Hope and High Vision to the Choosing of a New and Better
Future", Rivera worked feverishly to present his vision of a socialist
future. The panel would feature two opposing views of society, with
capitalism representing the past on one side and socialism representing
the future on the other. Sketches for the project had been approved and
the overall thrust of the piece seemed to have the backing of both Abby
and Nelson, who paid Rivera frequent visits.
As Rivera's mural progressed, images of war, airplanes, gas masks,
soldiers with bayonets, and death-rays surfaced gradually, reflecting
the reality of a world on the edge of oncoming war between fascism and
social democracy. There was a section depicting the May Day celebration
in Moscow that Abby Rockefeller called "the finest part of the mural
yet". The mural also included society ladies drinking gin and, above
them, cells of tuberculosis, syphilis and gonorrhea. This was not
controversial as the senior Rockefeller was known to be intolerant of
alcohol.
On April 24, 1933, the New York World Telegram, after an interview with
a media-naive Rivera, ran a story with the headline "Rivera paints
scenes of communist activity and John D Jr foots the bill". As hostile
public attention was drawn to Rivera's emerging mural, he continued
work, painting a scene in which a soldier, a worker, and a black farmer
all held hands with Vladimir Lenin. Both Nelson and his mother had
earlier declared how much they loved the mural in progress, but the
addition of Lenin seemed to have gone too far, on top of press attacks
about Rockefeller-financed communist propaganda. After a visit in May
of 1933, the 25-year-old Nelson wrote to Rivera: "While I was in No 1
Building at Rockefeller Center yesterday viewing the progress of your
thrilling mural, I noticed that in the most recent portion of the
painting you had included a portrait of Lenin. The piece is beautifully
painted but it seems to me that his portrait appearing in this mural
might very seriously offend a great many people. If it were in a
private house it would be one thing, but this mural is in a public
building and the situation is therefore quite different. As much as I
dislike to do so, I am afraid we must ask you to substitute the face of
some unknown man where Lenin's face now appears."
Insisting that the figure of Lenin had appeared in his approved
original sketches, Rivera refused to budge. He argued that his
ideological intent had been clear from the start, and suggested
rhetorically that he rather have his work destroyed than compromised.
Sensitive to right-wing accusations that Rockefeller liberalism was
sympathetic to communism, if not outright communistic, the Rockefellers
felt forced to go with the tide of mainstream anti-communist public
sentiment. Rivera was ordered to stop work, paid his fee in full and
told to leave the building. Within hours after Rivera was ushered from
his unfinished mural in the RCA Building by private guards of
Rockefeller Center, 300 protesters gathered outside the building with
signs reading "Save Rivera's Art". The episode was front-page news the
following day, and some who objected to Rockefeller's censorship of
Rivera's art likened the incident to the Nazi book-burning then raging
all over Germany.
On the other hand, the National Association of Manufacturers
congratulated the young Nelson, calling his efforts courageous and
patriotic, and General Motors canceled Rivera's commission for a mural
in one of its Chicago buildings in a show of capitalist solidarity. In
February of 1934, after almost a year under cover, the unfinished mural
was chipped from the wall and destroyed. Rivera, calling the
destruction of the mural "an act of cultural vandalism", had not
expected that a true art lover would respond to the painter's
rhetorical bluff of rather having the mural destroyed than changed, but
that was exactly was the young Nelson Rockefeller did, and he justified
the destruction by claiming to honor Rivera's artistic integrity. On
the other hand, John D Rockefeller Jr, professing no love for modern
art, explained to his more conservative father that "the picture was
obscene and, in the judgment of Rockefeller Center, an offense to good
taste ... It was for this reason primarily that Rockefeller Center
decided to destroy it." The grandson destroyed a masterpiece to protect
its artistic integrity while the son did it to protect good taste.
Diego Rivera also painted a nude portrait of socialite C Z Guest before
she was married, to hang, however briefly, over the bar in the Hotel
Reforma in Mexico City. Most women of society of the 1940s would have
been scandalized by the painter's request, not to mention its
subsequent public unveiling. Not so for the former Lucy Cochrane, a
free-spirited girl from a Boston Brahmin family. No one saw anything
obscene in Rivera's painting of the socialite in the nude, unlike the
face of socialist Lenin. Miss Cochrane went respectably on to marry
Winston Frederick Churchill Guest, a Phipps heir of steel fame, when
she was 27. She was said to have lived her life to the fullest as a
prominent socialite and an arbiter of good taste in society.
Years later, Rivera said of his rhetorical reply to Nelson: "Therefore,
I wrote, never expecting that a presumably cultured man like
Rockefeller would act upon my words so literally and so savagely,
rather than mutilate the conception, I should prefer the physical
destruction of the conception in its entirety, but preserving, at
least, its integrity."
The Rockefeller Center management team, which had never felt
comfortable about Rivera's involvement, reacted swiftly to terminate
Rivera's contract. Soon after, mass demonstrations and a deluge of
protest letters from all quarters were blaming the Rockefellers for
censorship of artistic expression. Before the destruction began, Nelson
Rockefeller, an inexperience 26-year-old, did his best to skirt the
touchy situation. He had not been directly responsible for the
management's decision to terminate Rivera and did not have the
authority to reverse it. While the art world vilified the decision,
Nelson tried to find a compromise solution to have the mural moved to
the Museum of Modern Art.
But it was all in vain. On the night of February 20, 1934, the mural
was hammered off the walls, following orders from the Center's
management. Rivera, who had by then returned to Mexico, responded by
painting a replica of the mural at the Palacio de Bellas Artes in
Mexico City. But his career as an international muralist was destroyed
by this incident. Still, for the next 25 years Rivera would continue to
create a body of work that would establish him as one of the most
important artists of the 20th century. He died of heart failure in
1957.
Almost 25 years after the fact, Diego Rivera wrote his own version of
the controversy over the Rockefeller Center mural:
When Nelson Rockefeller decided to
decorate the main floor of his new RCA Building in Radio City with
murals, he also decided to get the best artists for the job. His
choices were Picasso, Matisse, and myself. But he set about securing
our services in the worst possible way. Through the architect of the
building, Raymond Hood, he asked us to submit sample murals. Now, there
are few indignities that can be thrown in the face of an established
painter greater than to offer him a commission on terms which imply any
doubts as to his abilities. But the invitations went further, they
specified how the sample murals were to be done. Picasso flatly
refused. As for Matisse, he politely but firmly replied that the
specifications did not accord with his style of painting. I answered
Hood that I was frankly baffled by this unorthodox way of dealing with
me and could only say no.
Having thus quickly lost Picasso and Matisse, Rockefeller determined
that at the very least he would have me. In May 1932, he entered into
the negotiations directly, since, on many matters, Hood and I could not
see eye to eye. Hood's idea of a mural was typically American: a mural
was a mere accessory, an ornament. He could not understand that its
function was to extend the dimensions of the architecture. Hood wanted
me to work in a funereal black, white and gray rather than in color,
and on canvas rather than in fresco. Our differences piled up when I
heard that two inferior painters, Frank Brangwyn and Jose María
Sert, had been given the walls previously offered to Picasso and
Matisse, walls that flanked the one offered me. Amid this difference
and tension, Rockefeller moved with the calm of the practiced
politician. He refused to be ruffled. By the fall of the year, he had
persuaded Hood to let me work in fresco and in color, and we had agreed
on the terms. For the sum of $21,000 for myself and my assistants, I
was to cover slightly more than 1,000 square feet [93 square meters] of
wall. The theme offered me was an exciting one: "Man at the Crossroads
Looking with Hope and High Vision to the Choosing of a New and Better
Future". After the complicated preliminaries, I entered into my
assignment with enthusiasm. By the beginning of November, I had
completed my preliminary sketches, submitted them, and received prompt
and unqualified approval from Rockefeller. In March of 1933, Frida and
I arrived in New York from Detroit, greeted by the icy blasts of the
New York winter.
I set to work immediately. My wall, standing high above the elevators
which faced the main entrance of the building, had already been
prepared by my assistants, the scaffold erected, the full-scale
sketches traced and stenciled on the wet surface, the colors ground. I
painted rapidly and easily. Everything was going smoothly - perhaps too
smoothly. Rockefeller had not yet seen me or my work, but in the
beginning of April, he wrote me that he had seen a photograph of the
fresco in one of the newspapers and was enthusiastic about what I was
doing. He hoped that I would be finished by the first of May, when the
building was to be officially opened to the public.
The center of my mural showed a worker at the controls of a large
machine. In front of him, emerging from space, was a large hand holding
a globe on which the dynamics of chemistry and biology, the
recombination of atoms, and the division of a cell, were represented
schematically. Two elongated ellipses crossed and met in the figure of
the worker, one showing the wonders of the telescope and its revelation
of bodies in space; the other showing the microscope and its
discoveries - cells, germs, bacteria, and delicate tissues. Above the
germinating soil at the bottom, I projected two visions of
civilization. On the left of the crossed ellipses, I showed a
night-club scene of the debauched rich, a battlefield with men in the
holocaust of war, and unemployed workers in a demonstration being
clubbed by the police. On the right, I painted corresponding scenes of
life in a socialist country: a May Day demonstration of marching,
singing workers; an athletic stadium filled with girls exercising their
bodies; and a figure of Lenin, symbolically clasping the hands of a
black American and a white Russian soldier and workers, as allies of
the future.
A newspaper reporter for a New York afternoon paper came to interview
me about my work, then nearing completion. He was particularly struck
by this last scene and asked me for an explanation. I said that, as
long as the Soviet Union was in existence, Nazi fascism could never be
sure of its survival. Therefore, the Soviet Union must expect to be
attacked by this reactionary enemy. If the United States wished to
preserve its democratic forms, it would ally itself with Russia against
fascism. Since Lenin was the pre-eminent founder of the Soviet Union
and also the first and most altruistic theorist of modern communism, I
used him as the center of the inevitable alliance between the Russian
and the American. In doing this, I said, I was quite aware that I was
going against public opinion.
Having heard me out, the reporter, smiling politely, remarked that,
apart from being a remarkable painter, I was also an excellent
humorist.
The following day the reporter's story appeared in his paper, the World
Telegram. It told what should have surprised nobody, least of all
Nelson Rockefeller, who was fully acquainted not only with my past and
my political ideas but with my actual plans and sketches: that I was
painting a revolutionary mural. However, the story suggested that I had
boxed my patron, Rockefeller, which was, of course, not true. Thus the
storm broke. I, who had become inured to storms, only painted on with
greater speed. The first of May had passed, and I was nearly finished
when I received a letter from Nelson Rockefeller requesting me to paint
out the face of Lenin and substitute the face of an unknown man.
Reasonable. However, one change might lead to demands for others. And
hadn't every artist the right to use whatever models he wished in his
painting?
I gave the problem the most careful consideration. My assistants were
all for a flat denial of the requests and threatened to strike if I
yielded. The reply I sent Rockefeller, two days after receiving his
letter was, however, conciliatory in tone. To explain my refusal to
paint out the head of Lenin, I pointed out that a figure of Lenin had
appeared in my earliest sketches submitted to Raymond Hood. If anyone
now objected to the appearance of this dead great man in my mural, such
a person would, very likely, object to my entire concept. "Therefore,"
I wrote, never expecting that a presumably cultured man like
Rockefeller would act upon my words so literally and so savagely,
"rather than mutilate the conception, I should prefer the physical
destruction of the conception in its entirety, but preserving, at
least, its integrity."
I suggested as a compromise that I replace the contrasting nightclub
scene in the left half of the mural with the figure of Abraham Lincoln
(symbolizing the reunification of the American states and the abolition
of slavery), surrounded by John Brown, Nat Turner, William Lloyd
Garrison, Wendell Phillips, and Harriet Beecher Stowe, or with a
scientific figure like Cyrus McCormick, whose reaping machine had
contributed to the victory of the Union forces by facilitating the
harvesting of wheat in the fields depleted of men.
As I awaited Rockefeller's response, the hours ticked by in silence. I
was seized by a premonition that no further word would come, but that
something terrible, instead, was about to happen. I summoned a
photographer to take pictures of the almost finished mural, but the
guards who had been ordered to admit no photographers, barred him. At
last, one of my assistants, Lucienne Bloch, smuggled in a Leica,
concealed in her bosom. Mounting the scaffold, she surreptitiously
snapped as many pictures as she could without getting caught.
On the day in the second week in May when Rockefeller finally made his
move, the private police force of Radio City, reinforced the week
before, was doubled. My assistants and I, aware that we were watched,
that forces were being deployed as if for a military operation, worked
on, pretending to ourselves that nothing was happening, or nothing as
bad as we feared. But at dinnertime, when our numbers were at their
smallest, three files of men surrounded my scaffold. Behind them
appeared a representative of the firm of Todd, Robertson and Todd,
managing agents for John D Rockefeller Jr. Like a victorious commander,
he asked me to come down for a parley. My assistants present at this
dark moment, Ben Shahn, Hideo Noda, Lou Block, Lucienne Bloch, Sanchez
Flores, and Arthur Niedendorff, looked at me helplessly. Helplessly, I
let myself be ushered into the working shack, the telephone of which
had been cut off, acknowledged the order to stop work, and received my
check.
Other men, meanwhile, removed my scaffold and replaced it with smaller
ones, from which they affixed canvas frames covering the entire wall.
Other men closed off the entrance with thick curtaining. As I left the
building, I heard airplanes roaring overhead. Mounted policemen
patrolled the streets. And then one of the very scenes I had depicted
in my mural materialized before my eyes. A demonstration of workers
began to form; the policemen charged, the workers dispersed; and the
back of a seven-year-old girl, whose little legs could not carry her to
safety in time, was injured by the blow of a club.
One last thing remained. In February of 1934, after I had returned to
Mexico, my Radio City mural was smashed to pieces from the wall. Thus
was a great victory won over a portrait of Lenin; thus was free
expression honored in America.
One result of the fracas was the cancellation of my General Motors
assignment, and I was cut off from commissions to paint in the United
States for a long time. Rockefeller, wishing to avoid further bad
publicity or the nuisance of a court action, had paid me my entire fee.
Out of the $21,000, however, $6,300 went to Mrs Paine as her agent's
commission; about $8,000 covered the cost of materials and the wages of
assistants; and I was left with somewhat less than $7,000. Considering
the loss of present and future commissions, I was advised by my
attorney to sue Rockefeller for $250,000 for damages and
indemnification. However, I did not sue; a legal action would have
tended to nullify my position.
Rockefeller's action in covering the mural - with canvas frames and
later with strips of sheath paper - became a cause celebre.
Sides were drawn. A group of conservative artists calling themselves
the Advance American Art Commission exploited the occasion to condemn
the hiring of foreign painters in the United States. In contrast to
these chauvinistic second-raters, who would have substituted a
national-origin standard for that of artistic excellence, and who
applauded Rockefeller's act of vandalism, another group of artists,
writers, and intellectuals, including Walter Pach, George Biddle, Bruce
Bliven, Robert L Cantwell, Lewis Gannett, Rockwell Kent, H L Mencken,
Lewis Mumford, Waldo Pierce, and Boardman Robinson, besought
Rockefeller to reconsider what he had done. It was largely because of
such protests that Rockefeller waited nearly a year before he destroyed
my mural. Two days after it had been covered over, Raymond Hood
announced that it would receive "very careful handling". At the worst,
two possibilities were suggested as its fate: that it might temporarily
be screened with a canvas mural; or that it might be removed, plaster
and all, for preservation elsewhere.
Oddly enough, communist leaders such as Robert Minor, Sidney
Bloomfield, and my old friend Joe Freeman, editor of the New Masses,
denounced the work as "reactionary" and "counterrevolutionary" and
condemned me for having betrayed the masses by painting in capitalistic
buildings!
In the spring of 1933, I aired my views over a small radio station in
New York. "The case of Diego Rivera is a small matter. I want to
explain more clearly the principles involved. Let us take, as an
example, an American millionaire who buys the Sistine Chapel, which
contains the work of Michelangelo ... Would that millionaire have the
right to destroy the Sistine Chapel?
"Let us suppose that another millionaire should buy the unpublished
manuscripts in which a scientist like [Albert] Einstein had left the
key to his mathematical theories. Would that millionaire have the right
to burn those manuscripts? ... In human creation there is something
which belongs to humanity at large, and ... no individual owner has the
right to destroy it or keep solely for his own enjoyment."
- From My Art, My Life: An Autobiography by
Diego Rivera (with Gladys March), New York: Citadel Press, 1960.
Republished by Dover Publications Inc in 1991
For their part, the Rockefellers were left to deal with the effects of
a tainted reputation as arts patrons and as defenders of freedom of
expression. The division within the family was revealed by the affair.
Abby was mortified and later insisted that she had not wanted the mural
destroyed, while her husband, John D Jr, was much more brusque, calling
the picture obscene. With the destruction of Rivera's mural, Nelson
Rockefeller became in the public eye a censor who destroyed art with
political ideas not in line with his own.
Contradiction of Ideals
These two incidents, the American-mural controversy and the
Rivera-mural controversy, illustrated the contradiction between the
ideals of liberal capitalism and the idea of freedom of expression
through art. As an art lover, Nelson Rockefeller understood that art is
not simply beauty, but also ideological expression. The art that was
created in Rockefeller Center had to be an art that was either
sanitized of unwelcome political ideology or an art that was in line
with the ideology of the capitalist system. The modern art in the
Rockefeller collection represents the politically sanitized art
appreciated and encouraged by values held by the collector. Rivera used
his art to convey a contemporary political ideology hostile to
capitalism. In a public space in Rockefeller Center, art was used by
Rockefeller to present to the public a specific ideology, namely, that
of liberal capitalism.
While Nelson Rockefeller's wealth enabled him to collect and promote
modern art, his class interest forced him to choose between the role of
connoisseur and the role of censor. His efforts to sanitize the
unwanted socio-political content of art were not unique. Patrons all
through the ages sponsored art to glorify their own image and the
values they aspired to. Nelson Rockefeller was in a unique position to
encourage politically sanitized art through his promotion of
non-objective art. His influence as an art collector was far-reaching
and his involvement with MOMA and, later, the Museum of Primitive Art
placed him in a position in which he could promote the ideology of his
class through his interpretation of art. While Nelson Rockefeller
believed that political art had a place in museums, he was in a
position to influence what place the museum gave to unwelcome political
art for display to the public. Through active curatorial involvement
and financial support, Nelson Rockefeller was able to extend his
influence on a substantial segment of the art world. Works bought and
collected by a Rockefeller gained instant commercial value since the
Rockefellers processed awesome power as definitive art market makers.
Abstract art was a much more sympathetic movement with which to promote
art for art's sake. Would a Cubist image of Lenin have bothered anyone?
With MOMA abducting Modernism by sanitizing its assault on the value
system of bourgeois society, the working class was deprived of an art
movement that would have helped its members to understand the
dysfunctionality of capitalism.
Art is the collective memory of an epoch. The art of a generation
exists to keep the spirit of the generation alive. In this respect, art
plays a significant role in constructing the cultural identity of an
epoch. Although art censorship is not unique to any civilization, as
authorities all through the ages practiced it, censorship presents a
special problem for liberal capitalism because capitalism in the age of
liberal democracy claims to be a champion of freedom of expression.
It is within the prerogative of capitalist ideology to refuse to honor
Lenin, but that provincial attitude conflicts with the myth of
capitalist freedom of expression. Nelson Rockefeller's selective
retreat from his commitment to freedom of expression was based not so
much on personal intolerance as on his need to appease popular opinion
for the purpose of fulfilling his political ambition.
The Rise and Fall of Nelson Rockefeller
Nelson Aldrich Rockefeller inherited both a vast
family fortune and a politically problematic family image that he had
to live down in order to achieve his political ambitions in a
democracy. From a very young age, he had expressed the desire to be
president, rationalizing that with his great wealth, political
leadership was the only goal worth pursuing. But political leadership
in a democracy is dependent on popular support, not a natural for the
Rockefeller legacy. The second of five brothers, Nelson was the
energetic, outgoing leader within his own family. Personally, he had
the charisma of effective leadership, but his wealth had become a
political burden, not so much from distrust on the part of the voting
public but from the hostility of the conservative nominating Republican
Party functionaries who consider a liberal millionaire to be the most
dangerous beast in politics.
The third generation of Rockefellers - "the Brothers" - grew up in
storyland splendor and self-imposed isolation. In an effort to redeem
the family name, John Jr had created numerous and distinct
philanthropies. Nelson and his brothers grew up in the family home on
West 54th Street i | | |