|
MONEY,
POWER and MODERN ART
By
Henry C K Liu
PART 1: Ruthless Empire Builders
PART 2: A Monetary Coup d'etat
PART 3: The Year of Contradictions
PART 4: Modern art and Socialism
PART
V: Modern Art and Freedom of Expression
Abby Aldrich Rockefeller and two other serious collectors created the
Museum of Modern Art in response to the Metropolitan Museum's lack of
enthusiasm for the work of modern artists they collected. When her
third child and second son Nelson, in whom she had cultivated a
life-long love for modern art, graduated from college in 1930 at age
22, he was appointed chairman of the Junior Advisory Committee of the
museum and began to take an active role in its affairs. The Junior
Advisory Committee under Nelson Rockefeller soon became aware of public
criticism of the Modern's near-exclusive focus on modern European
artists. In fact, the opening exhibit of the Museum of Modern Art
consisted entirely of European artists. It was one thing to face the
fact that US culture had yet to flower while pre-modern art was being
created in Europe and other ancient cultures, but the Untied States had
come of age in the modern era and American artists now deserved their
place in the sun. The Junior Advisory Committee criticized the museum's
trustees for neglecting the works of American artists and, in response,
the trustees authorized the committee to organize a show, "Murals by
Painters and Photographers", of works of American muralists who were
beginning to be productive under the aegis of the Works Progress
Administration (WPA) of the New Deal of president Franklin D Roosevelt.
The artists were commissioned in 1932 and, when the advance showing
unveiled their works, the trustees and young Nelson were shocked. Many
of the murals adopted the radical political tone of the time, with most
leaning sharply to the left.
Included in the exhibit was a work by Hugo Gellert (1892-1985), a
Hungarian immigrant who came to the US in 1906 at age 14, titled Us
Fellas Gotta Stick Together - Al Capone. It depicts Henry Ford,
president Herbert Hoover, J P Morgan, and John D Rockefeller Sr sitting
with none other than Al Capone, the celebrated Chicago gangster. The
statement made through this work of art, that capitalism is a crime and
the most successful capitalists are criminals, sent young art-loving
Nelson into a state of panic. Such a charge, in the atmosphere of the
Depression, when large numbers of hard-working people had suddenly lost
their jobs and life savings, struck a popular response not only from
the radical left but also from the conservative right, which had always
viewed members of the Eastern money trust as little better than
criminals in their unethical machination over the nation's money
through the establishment of a privately owned central bank.
Gellert had provided the cover illustration for the first issue of a
new magazine, The Liberator (February 1918), which featured John Reed's
report on the Russian Revolution. By 1930, Gellert was a well-known
artist with a passionate commitment to leftist political agitation,
which he professed as inseparable from art. Gellert's activities
contributed significantly to the political tone of American art of the
1930s. He played a key role in organizing the Artists Committee for
Action and the Artists Union, two pivotal institutions that greatly
contributed to the instigation and perpetuation of the federally funded
WPA art programs. He served on the editorial committee of Art Front,
official publication of the Artists Union. A Gellert drawing adorned
the masthead of the premier issue, with a Stuart Davis drawing on the
cover. Gellert helped organize the American Artists Congress of
February 1936, where he was the keynote speaker. He spoke at the second
American Artists Congress in December 1937 as well. Also in late 1937,
Gellert became involved with the Artists Coordination Committee for the
National Exhibition of Contemporary American Art at the 1939 New York
World's Fair. At the same time, Gellert oversaw the formation of a
labor union to protect the rights of muralists and their assistants as
the World's Fair was being planned. Gellert painted a spectacular mural
imbued with the technological optimism pervasive in 1930s Modernism for
the Communications Building at the Fair, which unfortunately, along
with two other murals in New York City painted during the 1920s and
1930s, have since been demolished along with the buildings that housed
them.
Gellert had been invited to Moscow by the USSR State Publishing House
to design book jackets for Russian editions of Theodore Dreiser's
books. Upon his return to New York in 1928, he painted a mural in the
Workers Party Cafeteria on Union Square. Deeply influenced by Russian
Modernism of the 1920s, it was one of the first Modernist murals in the
United States, just predating the North American commissions of Diego
Rivera (1886-1957) and Jose Clemente Orozco (1883-1949). Orozco painted
a mural at the New School for Social Research in New York, celebrating
fraternity, world revolution, labor, the arts and sciences and the
struggle against slavery, and a group of frescos for the Baker Library
at Dartmouth College (1932-34), where Nelson Rockefeller was an
alumnus.
In November 1928, shortly after the Workers Party Cafeteria mural's
unveiling, The New Yorker declared: "The Gellert murals are the only
ones on this continent except those of Rivera in Mexico City that are
really contemporary." About 2.4 meters high, Gellert's mural covered
one entire wall, 24 meters long, and a facing wall nine meters long.
The long wall included a frieze of monumental, brightly colored,
sculpturally rendered, industrial workers standing before precisionist
factories and mine structures. The mural was destroyed when the
building was demolished in 1954.
In 1932, Gellert captured headlines in New York with a mural study that
he submitted to the invited Museum of Modern Art's "Murals by Painters
and Photographers" exhibition. Gellert's painting Us Fellas Gotta
Stick Together - Al Capone (Collection of The Wolfsonian, Miami
Beach, Florida), along with Ben Shahn's famous The Passion of Sacco
and Vanzetti (Collection of the Whitney Museum of American Art,
New York) and a painting by William Gropper (1897-1977), was rejected
for the exhibition. Gropper's painting, The Lawmakers, once
hanging in the White House, is now part of the Clinton Presidential
Library collection in Arkansas. It was a gift to president Bill Clinton
in 1994. The Museum of Modern Art (MOMA) now lists more than 30 of
Gropper's etchings and lithographs in its permanent collection.
Gellert painted Us Fellas during a time when the Rockefeller
family was being criticized for commissioning no work by American
artists for the Rockefeller Center project. The right-wing extremists
had always attacked the Rockefellers for being internationalists. The
extreme right had gone as far as accusing J P Morgan of being a US
agent of the globalist Bank of England and the Rothschilds.
"Globalization" was a dirty word throughout much of US history when the
nation was the victim. In February 1932, The Art Digest reported: "The
rumor that the murals for Radio City, the Rockefeller project in the
heart of New York, were to be commissioned to Rivera, [Jose Maria] Sert
and other foreign artists [Frank Brangwyn] has stirred up a tempest."
The British painter Brangwyn worked under William Morris; his
subsequent travels provided inspiration for his paintings. He was
strongly influenced by the art nouveau movement, and is best
known for his large murals. In an article published in New Masses,
Gellert himself explained the backlash effect: "Upon the heels of this
upheaval, the Museum of Modern Art, of which Mrs John D Rockefeller Jr
is treasurer, invited [domestic] artists to participate in an
exhibition of mural decorations."
Gellert's Us Fellas was clearly meant to offend and provoke
the Rockefellers. The situation threatened to become embarrassing for
the museum when a number of other artists in the exhibition declared
that they would withdraw their works if the offending paintings by
Gellert, Gropper and Shahn were not hung. Wishing to avoid a scandal,
the museum quickly conceded and agreed to include the three works in
the exhibition (but not to reproduce them in the catalogue). However,
the press nonetheless played up the story. The day before the
exhibition opened, the New York Daily World Telegram announced:
"Insurgent art stirs up storm among society. Murals for Modern Museum
rejected as offensive, then accepted. Linked Hoover to Al Capone."
One would think that Gellert would then be assigned to the ranks of
untouchables by the Rockefellers. Indeed, Helen Appleton Read, a critic
for the Brooklyn Daily Eagle, observed:
It suffices to say that the panels sent
in by Gellert, Shahn and Gropper had no place in an exhibition
purporting to discover material with which to enrich the walls of
modern buildings.
But shortly after the "Murals by Painters and Photographers" show
closed, Gellert was contacted by Eugene Schoen, an interior designer
hired by the Rockefeller Center Corp, informing him that Wallace K
Harrison, a relative and close friend of Nelson Rockefeller, a liberal
from Massachusetts and one of the younger architects of Rockefeller
Center, had seen Gellert's cafeteria mural and wanted Gellert to paint
a mural for the Center Theater, a small cinema within the Rockefeller
Center complex. The mural was later destroyed when the movie theater
was demolished to make room for an office building.
In 1953, Paul Robeson was guest speaker at the 40th anniversary
observation of Gellert's career. Gellert appeared as himself in Warren
Beatty's 1982 film Reds as a "witness" to historic events. On
October 3, 1985, he spoke at the Masses exhibition at Whitney Museum,
New York, and two months later, on December 6, he died at home in
Freehold, New Jersey.
Trouble at Rockefeller Center
Nelson and the entire Rockefeller family
genuinely believed they were true lovers of art and freedom, and they
worked hard to project a public image of tolerance to which they tried
to live up in their personal lives. They were drawn to the idea of "art
for art's sake" as a philosophy embedded with a high sense of freedom.
Yet freedom to be abstract was less objectionable than freedom to
confront with realism. The Rockefellers had made extraordinary efforts
to display their art collections to the public, in keeping with their
commitment to public service, rather than locking it away in private
collections as selfish acquirers. Yet despite Nelson's love for art and
his support of freedom of expression in art, he could not reconcile
himself to the aggressively hostile ideological messages displayed by
some of these murals. While Nelson firmly believed that artists had an
inviolable right to express their political views, his commitment to
the sanctity of private property argued that artists should not abuse
their privilege by attacking the very system that allowed them to
exercise their right of free expression with funding of displays of
their art to the world. Yet freedom is indivisible. Denial of the
freedom to attack the sacred amounts to support for the profane. The
breaking of taboos is the very basis of freedom. Fearful of negative
publicity to their carefully cultivated liberal image from any attempt
to cancel the exhibit, the museum, under pressure from the solidarity
of many artists in the show, displayed the offensive murals as
inconspicuously as possible without further incident.
The controversy surrounding the Modern's American-mural exhibition set
the stage for a clash of ideological values that would once again place
the young Nelson Rockefeller in an uncomfortable position of having to
choose between freedom of expression through art, and the censorship of
art that expressed ideologies that opposed those of his class. While
the 1932 mural exhibition was being put together, Nelson was also put
in charge of commissioning an artist to paint a mural in the lobby of
the RCA Building under construction in Rockefeller Center, which today
is the GE Building after General Electric transformed itself from an
industrial corporation into a financial conglomerate and acquired RCA.
In 1929, Nelson's father, John D Rockefeller Jr, began construction of
the Rockefeller Center, a monument to good urban design, to provide
jobs in the midst of the Great Depression and to instill renewed
confidence in the collapsed economy and battered capitalism. The
project was intended to represent all that was good about capitalism at
a time when the modern capitalist system faced its greatest crisis. It
was also intended to reflect the achievements of the American way of
life while standing as a symbol of the future possibilities of
big-business capitalism. The task of decorating the lobby of this mecca
of capitalist progress fell to Mexican artist Diego Rivera, after the
terms of the commission had been rejected by Henri Matisse and Pablo
Picasso, who was one of Nelson's favorite artists despite being a
communist.
In November 1930, Rivera arrived in San Francisco to paint a mural for
the Stock Exchange. This was followed by a witty fresco for the
California School of Fine Art showing the painter and his team at work:
right at the center of the composition is Rivera's enormous backside.
He went to New York in November 1931 for a retrospective exhibition at
MOMA. This was the museum's 14th exhibition and only its second one-man
show - the first had been devoted to Matisse. It broke all previous
attendance records and transformed Rivera and his wife, Frida Kahlo,
into major celebrities symbolizing the populist spirit of the epoch.
His next stop was Detroit, where he had been invited to provide murals
for the inner courtyard of the Detroit Museum. The reception given to
the murals when they were officially unveiled in March 1933 was stormy,
but Rivera and his supporters prevailed. The painter then moved back to
New York to carry out a yet more prestigious commission - a mural for
the RCA Building, focal point of the new Rockefeller Center.
The decision to commission Rivera carried a known risk. Unlike Picasso,
whose commitment to communism was abstract, Rivera was an avowed
communist and was known to be inclined to fill his murals with realist
political imagery, not cubist abstraction. He was, however, an
extremely popular artist and was a favorite of Nelson's mother, Abby,
who was also a good friend of Rivera's communist comrade and artist
wife, Kahlo, briefly a lover of Leon Trotsky when the exiled
revolutionary was a guest at Rivera's home in Mexico. With the
reluctant consent of John D Rockefeller Jr, Rivera was offered a
generous commission of US$21,000 (equivalent of $5 million today) and
given a theme for the mural. The commission was not simply to decorate
the walls of the lobby of a major corporate headquarters building, but
to serve a propaganda function in the tradition of Michelangelo's
fresco on the ceiling of the Sistine Chapel. While Michelangelo's
Sistine Chapel ceiling was dedicated to the glory of God, Rivera's
mural in the RCA building was intended to glorify capitalism.
Rockefeller Jr wrote a letter to Rivera: "The philosophical or
spiritual quality should dominate ... We want the paintings to make
people pause and think and to turn their minds inward and upward ...
Our theme is NEW FRONTIERS ..." Rivera was given the cumbersome title
"Man at the Crossroads Looking with Hope and High Vision to the
Choosing of a New and Better Future," and he began work in March of
1933, the year Adolf Hitler came to power in Germany. To Rivera, a new
and better future pointed to communism. To Rockefeller, capital and
labor were natural symbiotic partners, not enemies, if only capital
would act with benevolence and labor with dependability, capitalism
would lead mankind to unbound destiny. This was a view that led to the
Ludlow Massacre of 1913.
The year 1913 was the one during which modern art was introduced to the
United States through the Armory Show, the same year that central
banking was instituted in the US to legitimize the private control of
money, and the same year of the Paterson Strike Pageant to support
workers' rights. It was also the year of the Ludlow Massacre. On
September 17, 1913, workers in the mines of the Rockefeller-owned
Colorado Fuel and Iron Co (CF&I) went on strike. The strike call
read: "All mineworkers are hereby notified that a strike of all the
coal miners and coke-oven workers in Colorado will begin on Tuesday,
September 23, 1913 ... We are striking for improved conditions, better
wages, and union recognition. We are sure to win." What came to be
known as the Ludlow Massacre occurred on Monday, April 20, 1914. More
than 3,000 kilometers separated the Rockefeller headquarters in New
York from southern Colorado, where one of history's most dramatic
confrontations between capital and labor took place. The face-off raged
for 14 hours, during which the miners' tent colony was pelted with
machine-gun fire and ultimately torched by the state militia. A number
of people were killed, among them two women and 11 children who
suffocated in a pit they had dug under their tent to protect themselves
from gunfire. The deaths were blamed on John D Rockefeller Jr, Abby's
husband and Nelson's father. For years after, the Rockefellers would
struggle to redress the tragic event, and strengthen the Rockefeller
social conscience and activism in the process.
The following record of communication provides a glimpse of the
ideological conflict behind the incident:
Rockefeller Jr to CF&I vice president Lamont Bowers after the
beginning of the strike, October 1913: "We feel that what you have done
is right and fair and that the position you have taken in regard to
[opposing] the unionizing of the mines is in the interest of the
employees of the company. Whatever the outcome, we will stand by you to
the end."
Lamont Bowers to Rockefeller, October 21: "Our net earnings would have
been the largest in the history of the company by $200,000 [$100
million today] but for the increase in wages paid the employees during
the last few months. With everything running so smoothly and with an
excellent outlook for 1914, it is mighty discouraging to have this
vicious gang come into our state and not only destroy our profit but
eat into that which has heretofore been saved."
Federal mediator Ethelbert Stewart commented on the situation that same
month: "Theoretically, perhaps, the case of having nothing to do in
this world but work ought to have made these men of many tongues as
happy and contented as the managers claim ... To have a house assigned
you to live in ... to have a store furnished you by your employer where
you are to buy of him such foodstuffs as he has, at a price he fixes
... to have churches, schools ... and public halls free for you to use
for any purpose except to discuss politics, religion, trade unionism or
industrial conditions; in other words, to have everything handed down
to you from the top; to be ... prohibited from having any thought,
voice or care in anything in life but work, and to be assisted in this
by gunmen whose function it was, principally, to see that you did not
talk labor conditions with another man who might accidentally know your
language - this was the contented, happy, prosperous condition out of
which this strike grew ... That men have rebelled grows out of the fact
that they are men."
Stewart unwittingly proclaimed a socialist vision, except for the
unmentioned siphoning off of surplus value - return on capital, or
profit to shareholders, from the blood and sweat of workers.
Rockefeller to Lamont Bowers, December 8, 1913: "You are fighting a
good fight, which is not only in the interest of your own company but
of other companies of Colorado and of the business interests of the
entire country and of the laboring classes quite as much. I feel
hopeful the worst is over and that the situation will improve daily.
Take care of yourself, and as soon as it is possible, get a little
let-up and rest."
Rockefeller, the benevolent capitalist, defended the "open shop" before
a congressional committee on April 6, 1914: "These men have not
expressed any dissatisfaction with their conditions. The records show
that the conditions have been admirable ... A strike has been imposed
upon the company from the outside ... There is just one thing that can
be done to settle this strike, and that is to unionize the camps, and
our interest in labor is so profound and we believe so sincerely that
that interest demands that the camps shall be open camps, that we
expect to stand by the officers at any cost."
Question: "And you will do that if it costs all your property and kills
all your employees?"
Rockefeller: "It is a great principle."
New York Times' account of the massacre on April 21, 1914: "The Ludlow
camp is a mass of charred debris, and buried beneath it is a story of
horror imparalleled [sic] in the history of industrial warfare. In the
holes which had been dug for their protection against the rifles' fire
the women and children died like trapped rats when the flames swept
over them. One pit, uncovered [the day after the massacre] disclosed
the bodies of 10 children and two women."
Rockefeller to Lamont Bowers, April 21: "Telegram received ... We
profoundly regret this further outbreak of lawlessness with
accompanying loss of life."
Socialist writer Upton Sinclair's open letter to Rockefeller, April 28:
"I intend to indict you for murder before the people of this country.
The charges will be pressed, and I think the verdict will be 'Guilty'.
I cannot believe that a man who dares to lead a service in a Christian
church can be cognizant and therefore guilty of the crimes that have
been committed under your authority. We ask nothing but a friendly talk
with you. We ask that in the name of the tens of thousands of men,
women and children who are this minute suffering the most dreadful
wrongs, directly because of the authority which you personally have
given."
Rockefeller's version of the events, June 10, 1914: "There was no
Ludlow massacre. The engagement started as a desperate fight for life
by two small squads of militia against the entire tent colony ... There
were no women or children shot by the authorities of the state or
representatives of the operators ... While this loss of life is
profoundly to be regretted, it is unjust in the extreme to lay it at
the door of the defenders of law and property, who were in no slightest
way responsible for it."
To Rockefeller, the deaths were caused by lawlessness, nothing else.
Rockefeller's testimony before the United States Commission on
Industrial Relations, January 26, 1915: "I should hope that I could
never reach the point where I would not be constantly progressing to
something higher, better - both with reference to my own acts and ...
to the general situation in the company. My hope is that I am
progressing. It is my desire to."
Question: "You are, like the Church says, 'growing in grace'?"
Rockefeller: "I hope so. I hope the growth is in that direction."
Rockefeller speaking to the miners on September 20, 1915: "We are all
partners in a way. Capital can't get along without you men, and you men
can't get along without capital. When anybody comes along and tells you
that capital and labor can't get along together, that man is your worst
enemy. We are getting along friendly enough here in this mine right
now, and there is no reason why you men cannot get along with the
managers of my company when I am back in New York."
United Mine Workers' leader John Lawson commented on Rockefeller's
visit to Colorado in September: "I believe Mr Rockefeller is sincere
... I believe he is honestly trying to improve conditions among the men
in the mines. His efforts probably will result in some betterments
which I hope may prove to be permanent. However, Mr Rockefeller has
missed the fundamental trouble in the coal camps. Democracy has never
existed among the men who toil under the ground - the coal companies
have stamped it out. Now, Mr Rockefeller is not restoring democracy; he
is trying to substitute paternalism for it."
Thus, 15 years later, Rockefeller looked for expression of his NEW
FRONTIER through Rivera, a free-spirited artist, exuberant, provocative
and an avowed communist. The Rockefellers had by then become the very
embodiment of liberal capitalism, and a family obsessed with virtue and
restraint and a heavy measure of religious guilt over wealth, derived
not so much from the controversial manner in which such wealth had been
accumulated, but by the very accumulation itself, which might have
subconsciously positioned them to select Rivera as an cleansing act of
self flagellation. Indeed, Diego Rivera and the Rockefellers could not
have been more different. And yet, for a brief moment in the midst of
the turbulent 1930s, they shared the spotlight in a bizarre and very
public drama. Their improbable association would soon unravel, bringing
about one of the biggest art scandals of the 20th century, with freedom
of expression as the victim. The "battle of Rockefeller Center", as
Rivera liked to call it, left both parties bruised - and the lobby of
the RCA Building devoid of a memorial to the dialectic relationship
between capitalism and socialism.
Unlike Rockefeller Jr, who was born to great wealth in the most
prosperous city in the United States, Diego Rivera was born in 1886 in
Guanajuato, Mexico, into a family of modest means. From a very early
age, Rivera showed a talent for art and drawing, unlike Rockefeller Jr,
who grew up in a household of conservative restraint and whose only
relationship to art was through obligatory collecting. At the age of
21, Rivera won a scholarship to study in Europe in 1907 and spent the
next 14 years there, mostly in Spain, where he was influenced by the
paintings of El Greco and Francisco de Goya, and later in France, where
he, already an accomplished artist, became involved with the
avant-garde, including Paul Cezanne, Picasso and Piet Mondrian, and
experimented with his own Cubist style. At one time, he shared a studio
with Amedeo Modigliani, who painted some striking portraits of him. He
also made contact with the Russian avant-garde, and was even known to
have two beautiful Russian mistresses.
But abstract art did not satisfy Rivera's political passion. Drawn by
the social movements unleashed by the Mexican Revolution, Rivera
decided to go back to his homeland in 1921. There, he developed a
unique style that combined the influence of European art with Mexico's
indigenous pre-Columbian iconography. In his populist murals, he used
vibrant colors and simple scenes of the plight of the working class
throughout Mexican history to convey his Marxist ideals. In 1922, his
revolutionary convictions led him to join the Mexican Communist Party
while Rockefeller Jr evolved gradually from conservative into liberal
Republicanism. During a visit to the Soviet Union in 1927, Rivera
painted a collection of sketches that would be purchased by an avid
American collector of modern art, Abby Rockefeller. Part of Rivera's
appeal to American collectors was his celebration of indigenous
culture, which non-native North Americans had rejected in favor of
aping British taste despite their political opposition to British
tyranny.
Abby's interest in the communist Mexican painter was not surprising. By
the early 1930s, Rivera had become one of the best-known and most
influential artists in the world, and its most famous muralist. His
politics were not controversial as radicalism was much in vogue and
communism was the preoccupation of the intellectual elite and
anti-communism had not yet found shelter behind the disingenuous mask
of anti-Soviet patriotism. In 1931, MOMA organized an extensive
retrospective of his work. A year later, notwithstanding his
ambivalence toward the United States, Rivera traveled to the US to work
on several commissions. He was accompanied by his wife, Frida Kahlo,
herself an accomplished painter. The culmination of the trip was to be
a large mural for the centerpiece of the most talked-about
architectural project in the country, the new Rockefeller Center.
Rivera's visit to the US unfolded against the backdrop of the Great
Depression and the intense social and political forces it had
unleashed. As an outspoken leftist, the Mexican painter tapped into
growing concerns over the upsurge in radicalism and the growth of the
Communist Party.
Fascinated by Rivera's passionate art, Abby and her son Nelson
Rockefeller had persuaded the management of Rockefeller Center to
commission him to paint a gigantic mural in the grand lobby of the RCA
Building. John D Rockefeller Jr reluctantly agreed to give the
commission to Rivera, though only as a business compromise. "As for
Rivera, although I do not personally care for much of his work; he
seems to have become very popular just now and will probably be a good
drawing card," he commented. It was an age when radicalism was good
marketing and fit into the Rockefellers' image of themselves as
enlightened capitalists.
Inspired by the very lofty theme of the mural, "Man at the Crossroads
Looking with Hope and High Vision to the Choosing of a New and Better
Future", Rivera worked feverishly to present his vision of a socialist
future. The panel would feature two opposing views of society, with
capitalism representing the past on one side and socialism representing
the future on the other. Sketches for the project had been approved and
the overall thrust of the piece seemed to have the backing of both Abby
and Nelson, who paid Rivera frequent visits.
As Rivera's mural progressed, images of war, airplanes, gas masks,
soldiers with bayonets, and death-rays surfaced gradually, reflecting
the reality of a world on the edge of oncoming war between fascism and
social democracy. There was a section depicting the May Day celebration
in Moscow that Abby Rockefeller called "the finest part of the mural
yet". The mural also included society ladies drinking gin and, above
them, cells of tuberculosis, syphilis and gonorrhea. This was not
controversial as the senior Rockefeller was known to be intolerant of
alcohol.
On April 24, 1933, the New York World Telegram, after an interview with
a media-naive Rivera, ran a story with the headline "Rivera paints
scenes of communist activity and John D Jr foots the bill". As hostile
public attention was drawn to Rivera's emerging mural, he continued
work, painting a scene in which a soldier, a worker, and a black farmer
all held hands with Vladimir Lenin. Both Nelson and his mother had
earlier declared how much they loved the mural in progress, but the
addition of Lenin seemed to have gone too far, on top of press attacks
about Rockefeller-financed communist propaganda. After a visit in May
of 1933, the 25-year-old Nelson wrote to Rivera: "While I was in No 1
Building at Rockefeller Center yesterday viewing the progress of your
thrilling mural, I noticed that in the most recent portion of the
painting you had included a portrait of Lenin. The piece is beautifully
painted but it seems to me that his portrait appearing in this mural
might very seriously offend a great many people. If it were in a
private house it would be one thing, but this mural is in a public
building and the situation is therefore quite different. As much as I
dislike to do so, I am afraid we must ask you to substitute the face of
some unknown man where Lenin's face now appears."
Insisting that the figure of Lenin had appeared in his approved
original sketches, Rivera refused to budge. He argued that his
ideological intent had been clear from the start, and suggested
rhetorically that he rather have his work destroyed than compromised.
Sensitive to right-wing accusations that Rockefeller liberalism was
sympathetic to communism, if not outright communistic, the Rockefellers
felt forced to go with the tide of mainstream anti-communist public
sentiment. Rivera was ordered to stop work, paid his fee in full and
told to leave the building. Within hours after Rivera was ushered from
his unfinished mural in the RCA Building by private guards of
Rockefeller Center, 300 protesters gathered outside the building with
signs reading "Save Rivera's Art". The episode was front-page news the
following day, and some who objected to Rockefeller's censorship of
Rivera's art likened the incident to the Nazi book-burning then raging
all over Germany.
On the other hand, the National Association of Manufacturers
congratulated the young Nelson, calling his efforts courageous and
patriotic, and General Motors canceled Rivera's commission for a mural
in one of its Chicago buildings in a show of capitalist solidarity. In
February of 1934, after almost a year under cover, the unfinished mural
was chipped from the wall and destroyed. Rivera, calling the
destruction of the mural "an act of cultural vandalism", had not
expected that a true art lover would respond to the painter's
rhetorical bluff of rather having the mural destroyed than changed, but
that was exactly was the young Nelson Rockefeller did, and he justified
the destruction by claiming to honor Rivera's artistic integrity. On
the other hand, John D Rockefeller Jr, professing no love for modern
art, explained to his more conservative father that "the picture was
obscene and, in the judgment of Rockefeller Center, an offense to good
taste ... It was for this reason primarily that Rockefeller Center
decided to destroy it." The grandson destroyed a masterpiece to protect
its artistic integrity while the son did it to protect good taste.
Diego Rivera also painted a nude portrait of socialite C Z Guest before
she was married, to hang, however briefly, over the bar in the Hotel
Reforma in Mexico City. Most women of society of the 1940s would have
been scandalized by the painter's request, not to mention its
subsequent public unveiling. Not so for the former Lucy Cochrane, a
free-spirited girl from a Boston Brahmin family. No one saw anything
obscene in Rivera's painting of the socialite in the nude, unlike the
face of socialist Lenin. Miss Cochrane went respectably on to marry
Winston Frederick Churchill Guest, a Phipps heir of steel fame, when
she was 27. She was said to have lived her life to the fullest as a
prominent socialite and an arbiter of good taste in society.
Years later, Rivera said of his rhetorical reply to Nelson: "Therefore,
I wrote, never expecting that a presumably cultured man like
Rockefeller would act upon my words so literally and so savagely,
rather than mutilate the conception, I should prefer the physical
destruction of the conception in its entirety, but preserving, at
least, its integrity."
The Rockefeller Center management team, which had never felt
comfortable about Rivera's involvement, reacted swiftly to terminate
Rivera's contract. Soon after, mass demonstrations and a deluge of
protest letters from all quarters were blaming the Rockefellers for
censorship of artistic expression. Before the destruction began, Nelson
Rockefeller, an inexperience 26-year-old, did his best to skirt the
touchy situation. He had not been directly responsible for the
management's decision to terminate Rivera and did not have the
authority to reverse it. While the art world vilified the decision,
Nelson tried to find a compromise solution to have the mural moved to
the Museum of Modern Art.
But it was all in vain. On the night of February 20, 1934, the mural
was hammered off the walls, following orders from the Center's
management. Rivera, who had by then returned to Mexico, responded by
painting a replica of the mural at the Palacio de Bellas Artes in
Mexico City. But his career as an international muralist was destroyed
by this incident. Still, for the next 25 years Rivera would continue to
create a body of work that would establish him as one of the most
important artists of the 20th century. He died of heart failure in
1957.
Almost 25 years after the fact, Diego Rivera wrote his own version of
the controversy over the Rockefeller Center mural:
When Nelson Rockefeller decided to
decorate the main floor of his new RCA Building in Radio City with
murals, he also decided to get the best artists for the job. His
choices were Picasso, Matisse, and myself. But he set about securing
our services in the worst possible way. Through the architect of the
building, Raymond Hood, he asked us to submit sample murals. Now, there
are few indignities that can be thrown in the face of an established
painter greater than to offer him a commission on terms which imply any
doubts as to his abilities. But the invitations went further, they
specified how the sample murals were to be done. Picasso flatly
refused. As for Matisse, he politely but firmly replied that the
specifications did not accord with his style of painting. I answered
Hood that I was frankly baffled by this unorthodox way of dealing with
me and could only say no.
Having thus quickly lost Picasso and Matisse, Rockefeller determined
that at the very least he would have me. In May 1932, he entered into
the negotiations directly, since, on many matters, Hood and I could not
see eye to eye. Hood's idea of a mural was typically American: a mural
was a mere accessory, an ornament. He could not understand that its
function was to extend the dimensions of the architecture. Hood wanted
me to work in a funereal black, white and gray rather than in color,
and on canvas rather than in fresco. Our differences piled up when I
heard that two inferior painters, Frank Brangwyn and Jose María
Sert, had been given the walls previously offered to Picasso and
Matisse, walls that flanked the one offered me. Amid this difference
and tension, Rockefeller moved with the calm of the practiced
politician. He refused to be ruffled. By the fall of the year, he had
persuaded Hood to let me work in fresco and in color, and we had agreed
on the terms. For the sum of $21,000 for myself and my assistants, I
was to cover slightly more than 1,000 square feet [93 square meters] of
wall. The theme offered me was an exciting one: "Man at the Crossroads
Looking with Hope and High Vision to the Choosing of a New and Better
Future". After the complicated preliminaries, I entered into my
assignment with enthusiasm. By the beginning of November, I had
completed my preliminary sketches, submitted them, and received prompt
and unqualified approval from Rockefeller. In March of 1933, Frida and
I arrived in New York from Detroit, greeted by the icy blasts of the
New York winter.
I set to work immediately. My wall, standing high above the elevators
which faced the main entrance of the building, had already been
prepared by my assistants, the scaffold erected, the full-scale
sketches traced and stenciled on the wet surface, the colors ground. I
painted rapidly and easily. Everything was going smoothly - perhaps too
smoothly. Rockefeller had not yet seen me or my work, but in the
beginning of April, he wrote me that he had seen a photograph of the
fresco in one of the newspapers and was enthusiastic about what I was
doing. He hoped that I would be finished by the first of May, when the
building was to be officially opened to the public.
The center of my mural showed a worker at the controls of a large
machine. In front of him, emerging from space, was a large hand holding
a globe on which the dynamics of chemistry and biology, the
recombination of atoms, and the division of a cell, were represented
schematically. Two elongated ellipses crossed and met in the figure of
the worker, one showing the wonders of the telescope and its revelation
of bodies in space; the other showing the microscope and its
discoveries - cells, germs, bacteria, and delicate tissues. Above the
germinating soil at the bottom, I projected two visions of
civilization. On the left of the crossed ellipses, I showed a
night-club scene of the debauched rich, a battlefield with men in the
holocaust of war, and unemployed workers in a demonstration being
clubbed by the police. On the right, I painted corresponding scenes of
life in a socialist country: a May Day demonstration of marching,
singing workers; an athletic stadium filled with girls exercising their
bodies; and a figure of Lenin, symbolically clasping the hands of a
black American and a white Russian soldier and workers, as allies of
the future.
A newspaper reporter for a New York afternoon paper came to interview
me about my work, then nearing completion. He was particularly struck
by this last scene and asked me for an explanation. I said that, as
long as the Soviet Union was in existence, Nazi fascism could never be
sure of its survival. Therefore, the Soviet Union must expect to be
attacked by this reactionary enemy. If the United States wished to
preserve its democratic forms, it would ally itself with Russia against
fascism. Since Lenin was the pre-eminent founder of the Soviet Union
and also the first and most altruistic theorist of modern communism, I
used him as the center of the inevitable alliance between the Russian
and the American. In doing this, I said, I was quite aware that I was
going against public opinion.
Having heard me out, the reporter, smiling politely, remarked that,
apart from being a remarkable painter, I was also an excellent
humorist.
The following day the reporter's story appeared in his paper, the World
Telegram. It told what should have surprised nobody, least of all
Nelson Rockefeller, who was fully acquainted not only with my past and
my political ideas but with my actual plans and sketches: that I was
painting a revolutionary mural. However, the story suggested that I had
boxed my patron, Rockefeller, which was, of course, not true. Thus the
storm broke. I, who had become inured to storms, only painted on with
greater speed. The first of May had passed, and I was nearly finished
when I received a letter from Nelson Rockefeller requesting me to paint
out the face of Lenin and substitute the face of an unknown man.
Reasonable. However, one change might lead to demands for others. And
hadn't every artist the right to use whatever models he wished in his
painting?
I gave the problem the most careful consideration. My assistants were
all for a flat denial of the requests and threatened to strike if I
yielded. The reply I sent Rockefeller, two days after receiving his
letter was, however, conciliatory in tone. To explain my refusal to
paint out the head of Lenin, I pointed out that a figure of Lenin had
appeared in my earliest sketches submitted to Raymond Hood. If anyone
now objected to the appearance of this dead great man in my mural, such
a person would, very likely, object to my entire concept. "Therefore,"
I wrote, never expecting that a presumably cultured man like
Rockefeller would act upon my words so literally and so savagely,
"rather than mutilate the conception, I should prefer the physical
destruction of the conception in its entirety, but preserving, at
least, its integrity."
I suggested as a compromise that I replace the contrasting nightclub
scene in the left half of the mural with the figure of Abraham Lincoln
(symbolizing the reunification of the American states and the abolition
of slavery), surrounded by John Brown, Nat Turner, William Lloyd
Garrison, Wendell Phillips, and Harriet Beecher Stowe, or with a
scientific figure like Cyrus McCormick, whose reaping machine had
contributed to the victory of the Union forces by facilitating the
harvesting of wheat in the fields depleted of men.
As I awaited Rockefeller's response, the hours ticked by in silence. I
was seized by a premonition that no further word would come, but that
something terrible, instead, was about to happen. I summoned a
photographer to take pictures of the almost finished mural, but the
guards who had been ordered to admit no photographers, barred him. At
last, one of my assistants, Lucienne Bloch, smuggled in a Leica,
concealed in her bosom. Mounting the scaffold, she surreptitiously
snapped as many pictures as she could without getting caught.
On the day in the second week in May when Rockefeller finally made his
move, the private police force of Radio City, reinforced the week
before, was doubled. My assistants and I, aware that we were watched,
that forces were being deployed as if for a military operation, worked
on, pretending to ourselves that nothing was happening, or nothing as
bad as we feared. But at dinnertime, when our numbers were at their
smallest, three files of men surrounded my scaffold. Behind them
appeared a representative of the firm of Todd, Robertson and Todd,
managing agents for John D Rockefeller Jr. Like a victorious commander,
he asked me to come down for a parley. My assistants present at this
dark moment, Ben Shahn, Hideo Noda, Lou Block, Lucienne Bloch, Sanchez
Flores, and Arthur Niedendorff, looked at me helplessly. Helplessly, I
let myself be ushered into the working shack, the telephone of which
had been cut off, acknowledged the order to stop work, and received my
check.
Other men, meanwhile, removed my scaffold and replaced it with smaller
ones, from which they affixed canvas frames covering the entire wall.
Other men closed off the entrance with thick curtaining. As I left the
building, I heard airplanes roaring overhead. Mounted policemen
patrolled the streets. And then one of the very scenes I had depicted
in my mural materialized before my eyes. A demonstration of workers
began to form; the policemen charged, the workers dispersed; and the
back of a seven-year-old girl, whose little legs could not carry her to
safety in time, was injured by the blow of a club.
One last thing remained. In February of 1934, after I had returned to
Mexico, my Radio City mural was smashed to pieces from the wall. Thus
was a great victory won over a portrait of Lenin; thus was free
expression honored in America.
One result of the fracas was the cancellation of my General Motors
assignment, and I was cut off from commissions to paint in the United
States for a long time. Rockefeller, wishing to avoid further bad
publicity or the nuisance of a court action, had paid me my entire fee.
Out of the $21,000, however, $6,300 went to Mrs Paine as her agent's
commission; about $8,000 covered the cost of materials and the wages of
assistants; and I was left with somewhat less than $7,000. Considering
the loss of present and future commissions, I was advised by my
attorney to sue Rockefeller for $250,000 for damages and
indemnification. However, I did not sue; a legal action would have
tended to nullify my position.
Rockefeller's action in covering the mural - with canvas frames and
later with strips of sheath paper - became a cause celebre.
Sides were drawn. A group of conservative artists calling themselves
the Advance American Art Commission exploited the occasion to condemn
the hiring of foreign painters in the United States. In contrast to
these chauvinistic second-raters, who would have substituted a
national-origin standard for that of artistic excellence, and who
applauded Rockefeller's act of vandalism, another group of artists,
writers, and intellectuals, including Walter Pach, George Biddle, Bruce
Bliven, Robert L Cantwell, Lewis Gannett, Rockwell Kent, H L Mencken,
Lewis Mumford, Waldo Pierce, and Boardman Robinson, besought
Rockefeller to reconsider what he had done. It was largely because of
such protests that Rockefeller waited nearly a year before he destroyed
my mural. Two days after it had been covered over, Raymond Hood
announced that it would receive "very careful handling". At the worst,
two possibilities were suggested as its fate: that it might temporarily
be screened with a canvas mural; or that it might be removed, plaster
and all, for preservation elsewhere.
Oddly enough, communist leaders such as Robert Minor, Sidney
Bloomfield, and my old friend Joe Freeman, editor of the New Masses,
denounced the work as "reactionary" and "counterrevolutionary" and
condemned me for having betrayed the masses by painting in capitalistic
buildings!
In the spring of 1933, I aired my views over a small radio station in
New York. "The case of Diego Rivera is a small matter. I want to
explain more clearly the principles involved. Let us take, as an
example, an American millionaire who buys the Sistine Chapel, which
contains the work of Michelangelo ... Would that millionaire have the
right to destroy the Sistine Chapel?
"Let us suppose that another millionaire should buy the unpublished
manuscripts in which a scientist like [Albert] Einstein had left the
key to his mathematical theories. Would that millionaire have the right
to burn those manuscripts? ... In human creation there is something
which belongs to humanity at large, and ... no individual owner has the
right to destroy it or keep solely for his own enjoyment."
- From My Art, My Life: An Autobiography by
Diego Rivera (with Gladys March), New York: Citadel Press, 1960.
Republished by Dover Publications Inc in 1991
For their part, the Rockefellers were left to deal with the effects of
a tainted reputation as arts patrons and as defenders of freedom of
expression. The division within the family was revealed by the affair.
Abby was mortified and later insisted that she had not wanted the mural
destroyed, while her husband, John D Jr, was much more brusque, calling
the picture obscene. With the destruction of Rivera's mural, Nelson
Rockefeller became in the public eye a censor who destroyed art with
political ideas not in line with his own.
Contradiction of Ideals
These two incidents, the American-mural controversy and the
Rivera-mural controversy, illustrated the contradiction between the
ideals of liberal capitalism and the idea of freedom of expression
through art. As an art lover, Nelson Rockefeller understood that art is
not simply beauty, but also ideological expression. The art that was
created in Rockefeller Center had to be an art that was either
sanitized of unwelcome political ideology or an art that was in line
with the ideology of the capitalist system. The modern art in the
Rockefeller collection represents the politically sanitized art
appreciated and encouraged by values held by the collector. Rivera used
his art to convey a contemporary political ideology hostile to
capitalism. In a public space in Rockefeller Center, art was used by
Rockefeller to present to the public a specific ideology, namely, that
of liberal capitalism.
While Nelson Rockefeller's wealth enabled him to collect and promote
modern art, his class interest forced him to choose between the role of
connoisseur and the role of censor. His efforts to sanitize the
unwanted socio-political content of art were not unique. Patrons all
through the ages sponsored art to glorify their own image and the
values they aspired to. Nelson Rockefeller was in a unique position to
encourage politically sanitized art through his promotion of
non-objective art. His influence as an art collector was far-reaching
and his involvement with MOMA and, later, the Museum of Primitive Art
placed him in a position in which he could promote the ideology of his
class through his interpretation of art. While Nelson Rockefeller
believed that political art had a place in museums, he was in a
position to influence what place the museum gave to unwelcome political
art for display to the public. Through active curatorial involvement
and financial support, Nelson Rockefeller was able to extend his
influence on a substantial segment of the art world. Works bought and
collected by a Rockefeller gained instant commercial value since the
Rockefellers processed awesome power as definitive art market makers.
Abstract art was a much more sympathetic movement with which to promote
art for art's sake. Would a Cubist image of Lenin have bothered anyone?
With MOMA abducting Modernism by sanitizing its assault on the value
system of bourgeois society, the working class was deprived of an art
movement that would have helped its members to understand the
dysfunctionality of capitalism.
Art is the collective memory of an epoch. The art of a generation
exists to keep the spirit of the generation alive. In this respect, art
plays a significant role in constructing the cultural identity of an
epoch. Although art censorship is not unique to any civilization, as
authorities all through the ages practiced it, censorship presents a
special problem for liberal capitalism because capitalism in the age of
liberal democracy claims to be a champion of freedom of expression.
It is within the prerogative of capitalist ideology to refuse to honor
Lenin, but that provincial attitude conflicts with the myth of
capitalist freedom of expression. Nelson Rockefeller's selective
retreat from his commitment to freedom of expression was based not so
much on personal intolerance as on his need to appease popular opinion
for the purpose of fulfilling his political ambition.
The Rise and Fall of Nelson Rockefeller
Nelson Aldrich Rockefeller inherited both a vast
family fortune and a politically problematic family image that he had
to live down in order to achieve his political ambitions in a
democracy. From a very young age, he had expressed the desire to be
president, rationalizing that with his great wealth, political
leadership was the only goal worth pursuing. But political leadership
in a democracy is dependent on popular support, not a natural for the
Rockefeller legacy. The second of five brothers, Nelson was the
energetic, outgoing leader within his own family. Personally, he had
the charisma of effective leadership, but his wealth had become a
political burden, not so much from distrust on the part of the voting
public but from the hostility of the conservative nominating Republican
Party functionaries who consider a liberal millionaire to be the most
dangerous beast in politics.
The third generation of Rockefellers - "the Brothers" - grew up in
storyland splendor and self-imposed isolation. In an effort to redeem
the family name, John Jr had created numerous and distinct
philanthropies. Nelson and his brothers grew up in the family home on
West 54th Street in New York, which was so filled with art that his
parents bought the townhouse next door just to house their collection.
Eventually the Rockefellers gave the property to the Museum of Modern
Art when they moved into a fabulous estate further north. Nelson
attended the Rockefeller-funded progressive Lincoln School of Teachers
College at Columbia University, but dyslexia hindered his schooling and
prevented him from attending Princeton. With the help of tutors, he
graduated Phi Beta Kappa from Dartmouth in 1930. Shortly thereafter, he
married Mary Todhunter Clark, known as Tod, whose calm reserve seemed
to balance his boundless enthusiasms. After an around-the-world
honeymoon, the couple settled in New York and Nelson went to work in
the family enterprise. Nelson proved so successful in renting out space
in the newly constructed Rockefeller Center in a depressed market that
his father made him president of the Center. He earned negative
publicity in the art world after he was blamed for the destruction of
Rivera's murals; otherwise, however, Nelson won high praise for his
energetic executive abilities.
Mark O Hatfield, with the Senate Historical Office, in Vice
Presidents of the United States, 1789-1993 (Washington: US
Government Printing Office, 1997), provided detail biographical
information on Nelson Rockefeller's political career. Nelson became a
director of the Creole Petroleum Co, a Rockefeller subsidiary in
Venezuela. He learned Spanish and began a life-long interest in
Latin-American affairs. Art was also his life-long passion, and during
the Depression he served as treasurer of the Museum of Modern Art. In
1939, at age 31, he became the museum's president, encountering such
intense infighting that he boasted, "I learned my politics at the
Museum of Modern Art." He had wanted to be an architect and was a close
friend and admirer of Wallace K Harrison, the architect for many
Rockefeller projects. In 1940, president Franklin D Roosevelt appointed
the 32-year-old Rockefeller to the new post of coordinator of the
Office of Inter-American Affairs, in a shrewd move designed to mute the
Rockefeller family's support of Wendell Willkie for president that
year.
The Republican Party tapped Willkie, a lawyer and utilities executive,
to run against third-term incumbent FDR in 1940, even though Willkie
was a former Democrat. As president of the Commonwealth and Southern
system representing private power companies, Willkie opposed the
Tennessee Valley Authority (TVA), which built and operated dams along
the Tennessee River as part of the New Deal's Works Progress
Administration and sold electricity to an area covering seven states
with 2 million people at a rate that threatened the profitability of
private power companies. The TVA was considered by progressives a
successful model for a new economic order of state capitalism that
could emerge all over the nation. Willkie's opposition on behalf of
private interests prevented the spread of the idea to other parts of
the country. Willkie also campaigned against the New Deal generally and
the FDR administration's lack of military preparedness. During the
election, Roosevelt preempted the military-preparedness issue by
expanding military contracts. Willkie then reversed his approach and
accused FDR of warmongering. FDR received 27 million votes to Wilkie's
impressive 22 million, but in the Electoral College, Roosevelt buried
Willkie 449-82. A month later, Japan attacked Pearl Harbor, Hawaii. The
bureaucracy already put in place by the New Deal enabled the United
States to mobilize for total war quickly and effectively, which then
turned naturally into the postwar military-industrial complex that
Dwight D Eisenhower warned the American people about.
After failing to unseat Roosevelt in the 1940 presidential election,
Willkie became one of FDR's most unlikely allies. To the chagrin of
many in his adopted party, Willkie called for greater national support
for some of Roosevelt's controversial initiatives, such as the
Lend-Lease Act, and embarked on a new campaign to awaken the United
States from its isolationist slumber. On July 23, 1941, he urged
unlimited aid to Britain in its struggle against Nazi Germany. That
same year he traveled to Britain and the Middle East as FDR's personal
representative and, after Pearl Harbor, visited the USSR and China in
1942 in the same capacity.
In 1943, Willkie wrote One World, a plea for international
peacekeeping after the war. Highly popular, the book sold millions of
copies and helped to prevent the US from falling back into its prewar
isolationist tradition. Also in 1943, together with Eleanor Roosevelt
and other Americans concerned about the mounting threats to peace and
democracy, Wilkie helped to establish Freedom House. In 1944, Willkie
once again sought the Republican presidential nomination, but his
liberal progressive views gained little support this time because of
the rightward shift of Republican Party politics. Willkie did not
support the eventual 1944 Republican nominee, Thomas Dewey, who lost to
Harry Truman. After surviving several heart attacks, Willkie finally
succumbed, dying on October 8, 1944, at age 52.
Although Nelson Rockefeller's brothers served in uniform, he held
civilian posts throughout World War II, becoming assistant secretary of
state for American republics affairs in 1944. He played a key role in
hemispheric policy at the United Nations Conference held in San
Francisco, developing consensus for regional pacts (such as the Rio
Pact and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization) within the UN
framework. He was instrumental in bringing the United Nations to New
York, asking his father to buy the UN headquarters site on the East
River for $6 million and donated it to the world organization. Although
Roosevelt tried to lure Rockefeller into the Democratic Party, he
remained loyal to his family's Republican ties. After Roosevelt's
death, Truman showed less appreciation for Rockefeller's abilities. In
August 1945, Truman fired the billionaire Rockefeller in order to
settle a policy dispute within the State Department.
Rockefeller returned to government during the administration of
president Dwight D Eisenhower, where he chaired a committee on
government organization, became under secretary of the new Department
of Health, Education and Welfare, served as special assistant to the
president for Cold War strategy, and headed the secret "Forty
Committee", a group of high government officials who were charged with
overseeing the Central Intelligence Agency's clandestine operations. He
was slated for a high-level post in the Department of Defense until
fiscally conservative secretary of the treasury George Humphrey vetoed
Rockefeller as a "spender".
Rockefeller then returned to New York to seek the highest elective
office in his home state with a long-range plan to establish his own
political base for an eventual run on the presidency. In 1958, Nelson
challenged the popular and prestigious Democrat governor Averell
Harriman, in what the press dubbed the "battle of the millionaires".
Rockefeller campaigned as a man of the people, appearing in
shirtsleeves and eating his way through the ethnic foods of New York
neighborhoods. "Rocky" was his political nickname. After a massive
campaign, bankrolled with his legendary fortune, Rockefeller won the
election handily. The New York Times noted the historical significance:
"The election of Nelson Aldrich Rockefeller has given the final stamp
of public approval to a name that once was among the most hated and
feared in America."
His family philanthropy had supported practically every progressive
cause around the world for more than a century, from education to
population issues, from medicine to physics and the social sciences.
His victory in New York over an incumbent heavyweight Democrat in a
year when Republicans lost badly elsewhere made him an overnight
contender for the Republican presidential nomination in 1960. Liberal
Republicans who had reservations about the extremist political past of
vice president Richard Nixon rallied to Rockefeller. Democrats such as
senator John F Kennedy considered him the most formidable opposition
candidate that the Republicans might nominate. Personally progressive,
if Nelson Rockefeller had been a Democrat, he might well have
out-Kennedyed the Kennedys in symbolizing a new age in US politics.
Rockefeller advisers were reluctant to risk their candidate's future in
national politics by having him enter party primaries where his chances
of winning were far from certain. As a result, Rockefeller's popular
appeal was not enough to overcome Nixon's lead among party loyalists in
securing the nomination. Instead, Rockefeller used his political clout
to summon Nixon to his Fifth Avenue apartment and dictate terms for a
more liberal party platform for the 1960 campaign. Arizona senator
Barry Goldwater denounced this event as "the Munich of the Republican
Party", in the beginning of a long estrangement between Rockefeller
liberals and the Goldwater extremists. Nixon's loss to Kennedy was
partly blamed on Rockefeller liberalism for not letting the voters have
a clear choice.
Nixon's razor-thin loss in a less-than-honest election in 1960 made
Rockefeller the centrist frontrunner for the Republican nomination in
1964. There was a growing consensus that the Republican nomination
process that favored conservative candidates needed to change so that a
centrist candidate could bring a Republican victory in the next
presidential election. But between the two elections, Rockefeller
stunned the nation by divorcing his wife of 32 years and marrying a
younger woman, Margaretta Fitler Murphy, better known as "Happy". She
was the recently divorced wife of an executive in the Rockefeller
Medical Institute. The birth of their son, Nelson Jr, on the eve of the
Republican primary in California reminded voters of the remarriage at a
time when a divorced candidate was generally considered unelectable,
which contributed to Rockefeller's loss to Goldwater for the Republican
nomination. The divorce was viewed as proof of Rockefeller's lack of
self-discipline needed to run a nation facing serious challenges. At
the party's convention in San Francisco, Goldwater delegates loudly
booed Rockefeller in full view of national television and prevented him
from speaking. To them, he embodied the hated "Eastern liberal
establishment". Disgusted, Rockefeller sat out the election, an act
that further branded him as a spoiler in the eyes of party loyalists.
Unsuccessful in his presidential bids, Rockefeller went on to achieve
an impressive record as governor of New York. He was a master builder,
overseeing a massive highway-construction program, the creation of the
top-quality state university system, the establishment of a clean water
authority and the erection of a vast new complex of state office
buildings in Albany. He gave strong state support to the development of
Lincoln Center for the Performing Arts led by his older brother, John D
III, and the redevelopment of Lower Manhattan led by his youngest
bother, David, in the latter's position as chairman of Chase Manhattan
Bank. Although New Yorkers joked about their governor's "edifice
complex", they elected him to four consecutive terms. To pay for his
many grand projects without raising taxes, Rockefeller consulted
prominent municipal-bond specialist John Mitchell (later to be the
disgraced attorney general in the Nixon administration), who advised
the creation of quasi-independent agencies that could issue bonds that
were morally obligated but not legally guaranteed by the state. The
State University Construction Fund provided the financing of a public
higher-education system that rivaled the best in the nation, putting an
end to New York's dismal history of dependence on elite private
universities. Other agencies built roads, utilities, public housing and
hospitals. As a result, control of a large part of the budget and of
state operations shifted from the legislature to the governor. To bring
able executives from the private sector into relatively low-paying
government posts, Rockefeller made personal financial contributions to
the heads of these independent agencies, thereby elevating the
effectiveness of state government and also reinforcing their loyalty to
the governor personally.
In perpetual motion, governor Rockefeller tackled one project after
another. He waded into political campaigns with similar gusto, shaking
hands and giving his famous greeting: "Hiya, fella!" No one compared
that greeting to the "us fellas" stigma of Al Capone fame. He laced his
speeches with superlatives and platitudes and so often repeated the
phrase "the brotherhood of man under the fatherhood of God" that
reporters shortened it to create the acronym BOMFOG. Although he
campaigned as a man of the people, he lived in a different world. When
aides proposed a plan for the state to take over state-employee
contributions to Social Security, in order to increase their take-home
pay, Rockefeller asked, "What is take-home pay?"
Rockefeller never openly opposed the war in Vietnam, explaining that he
did not want to offend president Lyndon Johnson and risk cuts in
federal aid to New York. In 1968, Johnson tried to persuade Rockefeller
to run for president. "He told me he could not sleep at night if Nixon
was president, and he wasn't all that sure about Hubert [Humphrey]
either," Rockefeller later revealed. Rockefeller announced his
candidacy, but Nixon's powerful campaign apparatus of party loyalists
rolled over him. When Humphrey became the Democratic nominee, he
invited Rockefeller to run as his vice president. "I turned him down,"
Rockefeller said. "Franklin Roosevelt wanted me to be a Democrat [back
in the 1940s]. It was too late." On foreign policy, Rockefeller was a
fervent hawk. He was a supporter of Edward Teller in the latter's quest
to develop a hydrogen bomb. Teller lamented that the Soviet Union was
prepared for a possible war with an extensive civil-defense
infrastructure, while the United States was not. Teller's influence on
politicians in the 1950s, particularly Nelson Rockefeller, led to many
of the idiotic civil-defense procedures, including useless fallout
shelters. Teller believed that a nuclear war, as calamitous as it would
be, could be won, condemning a whole generation to useless
duck-and-cover drills and to squander their money on useless shelters
in their basements. The rich, however, were able to build fancy country
homes far away from urban targets that would qualify for tax deduction
as nuclear-war shelters, which in all likelihood the owner would be
hard pressed to reach in the event of a surprise attack.
Despite an inability to hide his personal disdain for Richard Nixon,
Rockefeller campaigned for Nixon in both 1968 and 1972. He refused to
oppose publicly Nixon's tough stands in Vietnam and Cambodia while
quietly seeking an exit through detente, a policy shaped by national
security adviser Henry Kissinger, who originally had served as
Rockefeller's foreign policy adviser. Nixon appointed Rockefeller to
serve on the Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board to oversee Central
Intelligence Agency (CIA) activities. Meanwhile, Rockefeller's own
politics were shifting toward the right, partly to make peace with
conservative Republicans who had vilified him, and partly in response
to the so-called "conservative backlash" of the late 1960s.
Rockefeller's tough "law and order" stand on drugs and his mishandling
of the Attica prison riot in 1971 further diminished his liberal image.
The governor refused demands of rioting prisoners at the state
penitentiary that he negotiate with them in person and instead sent in
state troops, resulting in the unnecessary deaths of many inmates and
their captives. An outraged press turned on Rockefeller after Attica.
Rockefeller's timing was flawed. His liberal views on social issues and
domestic policy, including civil rights, were out of step with the
shift to the right in the Republican Party since the late 1950s. In
1968, the year of his third and last try, the so-called "Rockefeller
Republican", liberal in domestic policy and hawkish in foreign affairs,
was facing extinction. Rockefeller himself had not been immune to the
impact of his party's transformation. Re-elected to the New York
governorship three times (1962, 1966 and 1970), he too gradually moved
to the right. His ill-fated decision to suppress the Attica prison riot
in 1971 made him the target of bitter criticism from the liberal left
and the media. He became a champion of "law and order", staging a
crackdown on "welfare chiselers" and introducing extremely harsh drug
laws that called for lengthy prison sentences for petty crimes. Some of
these measures, along with the widespread patronage and budgetary
excesses that dominated New York politics during the Rockefeller
tenure, overshadowed the accomplishments of his 15 years in office.
Without gaining support from the right wing, he weakened support from
his own constituent on the liberal left.
At the Republican convention in 1972, Rockefeller nominated Nixon.
After the election, as Nixon sank into the Watergate scandal,
Rockefeller steadfastly resisted attacking him in hope of saving
Nixon's foreign policy of detente and opening to China. When vice
president Spiro Agnew resigned in October 1973, Rockefeller let it be
known that he would not turn down a vice-presidential nomination, as he
had done in 1960 and 1968. But Nixon, believing that choosing
Rockefeller would offend his Republican conservative base, instead
selected the more centrist Gerald Ford. That December, Rockefeller
resigned after 14 years as governor of New York to give his
long-serving lieutenant-governor, Malcolm Wilson, a chance to run for
the office as the incumbent. Rockefeller then devoted his attention to
the newly created Commission on Critical Choices for America, which
many expected he would use as a policy vehicle to run for the
presidency in 1976.
Rockefeller was firmly convinced that Nixon would never resign, but
events proved different. In August 1974, when Gerald Ford assumed the
presidency and prepared to appoint his own vice president, Rockefeller
and George Bush headed his list of candidates. Bush, a former Texas
congressman and chairman of the Republican National Committee, was the
safer, more comfortable choice. But Ford believed in a balanced ticket
(in 1968 Ford had urged Nixon to select New York City's liberal
Republican mayor John Lindsay as his running mate). Weighing the assets
and deficits, Ford acknowledged that Rockefeller was still anathema to
many conservatives in both parties. Still, the new president believed
that the New Yorker was well qualified to be president, would add
executive expertise to the administration, and would broaden the
ticket's electoral appeal if they ran as a team in 1976. Also, by
selecting as strong a man as Rockefeller, Ford would demonstrate his
own self-confidence as president.
Robert Hartmann, one of Ford's closest aides, asked Rockefeller why he
had accepted the vice presidency now after turning it down before. "It
was entirely a question of there being a constitutional crisis and a
crisis of confidence on the part of the American people," Rockefeller
replied. "I felt there was a duty incumbent on any American who could
do anything that would contribute to a restoration of confidence in the
democratic process and in the integrity of government." Rockefeller
also reasoned that, while Ford as a former member of Congress
understood the "congressional-legislative side" of the issues, he as
governor had mastered the "executive-administrative side" and that
together they could make an effective team. Although fully aware of the
limitations of his office, and recognizing that he was "just not built
for standby equipment", Rockefeller had accepted because Ford promised
to make him a "partner" in his presidency.
The media applauded the selection. After berating Nixon for picking
Ford, reporters praised Ford's appointment of "a man of national
stature". The New York Times called it a "masterly political act", and
Newsweek congratulated Ford for adding a "dollop of high style" to his
"homespun presidency". Time observed that Ford felt secure enough to
name a dynamic personality as vice president. Ford basked in his
accomplishment. In November, when reporters asked him what he
considered the top achievements of his first hundred days as president,
Ford replied: "Number one, nominating Nelson Rockefeller."
Yet nomination was only half the process, for the 25th Amendment to the
Constitution required confirmation by both houses of Congress.
Democrats and some conservative Republicans relished the prospect of
opening the books on the private finances of one of the nation's
greatest family fortunes. Even president Ford expressed fascination
with the details as they emerged. "Can you imagine," he said privately,
"Nelson lost $30 million in one year and it didn't make any
difference." After the shocks of Watergate and the revelations that
Agnew had taken kickbacks, it was reassuring to have a vice president
too rich to be bought.
Rockefeller's confirmation hearings dragged on for months, and House
and Senate leaders talked of delaying his confirmation until the new
Congress convened in January. "You just can't do that to the country,"
president Ford complained to House speaker Carl Albert and Senate
majority leader Mike Mansfield. "You can't do it to Nelson Rockefeller,
and you can't do it to me. It's in the national interest that you
confirm Rockefeller, and I'm asking you to move as soon as possible."
The Senate finally acted on December 10, and the House on December 19.
That evening, Rockefeller took the oath in the Senate chamber.
The secretary of the Senate found it amusing to give Rockefeller the
standard orientation, signing him up for health insurance and other
benefits he did not need. Ironically, Rockefeller was also the first
vice president eligible to occupy the new vice-presidential mansion -
formerly the residence of the chief of naval operations - on
Massachusetts Avenue donated by Rockefeller to the nation. "Congress
has finally determined to give the vice president a home in
Washington," Ford told Rockefeller. "It's up on Admiral's Hill, and
you'll have to live in it." Rockefeller grimaced but nodded in
agreement. He already had a home in Washington that he purchased during
World War II, a colonial-era farmhouse situated on 11 hectares of land,
one of the most expensive properties in the District of Columbia.
Rockefeller spent only a single night in the vice-presidential mansion,
but he stimulated some publicity by installing a mink-covered bed
designed by surrealist Max Ernst that was valued at $35,000. Press
criticism later resulted in the bed being lent to a museum. Years
after, when Happy Rockefeller visited George and Barbara Bush at the
vice-presidential mansion, she offered to return the bed to the
mansion. Barbara Bush insisted that Mrs Rockefeller was always welcome
to spend the night and did not need to bring her own bed.
Gerald Ford told the nation that he wanted his vice president to be "a
full partner", especially in domestic policy. "Nelson, I think, has a
particular and maybe peculiar capability of balancing the pros and cons
in many social programs, and I think he has a reputation and the
leadership capability," Ford explained. "I want him to be very active
in the Domestic Council, even to the extent of being chairman of the
Domestic Council." But during the months while Rockefeller's nomination
stalled in Congress, Ford's new White House staff under chief of staff
Donald Rumsfeld established its control of the executive branch and had
no intention of sharing power with the vice president and his staff.
One Rockefeller aide lamented that the "first four-month shakedown was
critical and he wasn't involved. That was when the relationship evolved
and we were on Capitol Hill fighting for confirmation."
Rockefeller envisaged taking charge of domestic policies the same way
that Henry Kissinger ran foreign policy in the Nixon administration.
Gerald Ford seemed to acquiesce, but Rumsfeld (now secretary of defense
in the George W Bush administration) objected on principle to the vice
president preempting the president. When Rockefeller tried to implement
Ford's promise that domestic policymakers would report to the president
via the vice president, Rumsfeld intervened with various operational
objections. Rockefeller shifted gears and had one of his trusted
assistants, James Cannon, appointed chief of the Domestic Council.
Rumsfeld responded by cutting the council's budget to the bone.
Rockefeller then moved to develop his own policies independent of the
Domestic Council. Tapping Edward Teller, who had worked for
Rockefeller's Commission on Critical Choices, he proposed a $100
billion Energy Independence Authority. Although Ford endorsed the
energy plan, the president's economic and environmental advisers lined
up solidly against it. The weak domestic council was one of the reasons
Ford lost the election to Jimmy Carter.
Usually, Ford and Rockefeller met once a week. Ford noted that
Rockefeller "would sit down, stir his coffee with the stem of his
horn-rimmed glasses and fidget in his chair as he leaped from one
subject to another". Nothing, Ford observed, was too small or too
grandiose for Rockefeller's imagination. Beyond the substantive issues,
the two men also spent much time talking over national politics. Yet
Ford and his staff shut Rockefeller out of key policy debates. In
October 1975, when Ford proposed large cuts in federal taxes and
spending, the vice president complained, "This is the most important
move the president has made, and I wasn't even consulted." Someone
asked what he did as vice president, and Rockefeller replied: "I go to
funerals. I go to earthquakes." Rockefeller had disliked the
vice-presidential seal, with its drooping wings and single arrow in its
claw. He had a new seal designed with the eagle's wings outspread and
multiple arrows in its clutch. Rockefeller told one of his aides, "See
that goddamn seal? That's the most important thing I've done all year."
In the autumn of 1975, president Ford determined to run for election
and appointed Howard "Bo" Callaway of Georgia as his campaign manager.
Ford did not consult Rockefeller until the day he announced the choice.
Callaway immediately began spreading the word that Rockefeller was too
old, and too liberal, and too much of a detriment to the ticket. Some
administration officials believed that Rumsfeld wanted the
vice-presidential nomination for himself and hoped that this
humiliation would encourage Rockefeller to remove himself from
contention. President Ford was given opinion polls that showed 25% of
all Republicans would not vote for him if Rockefeller remained on the
ticket. Ford's advisers complained that Rockefeller was not a "team
player", and that he had been a "commuting" vice president, flying
weekly to New York, where his wife and sons had remained. Still,
Rockefeller hung on doggedly, patching up his difference with Barry
Goldwater and making public appearances in the South - to prove, as he
said, that he did not have horns. After one rally in South Carolina, a
Republican leader conceded that the vice president had changed some
minds from "hell no" to "no".
When it became clear that former California governor Ronald Reagan
would challenge Ford for the Republican nomination, Ford reluctantly
resolved to jettison the liberal Rockefeller. Putting the situation to
him, Ford insisted that he was just telling him the facts, not what to
do. Rockefeller, however, had been in politics long enough to know that
he was being asked to leave gracefully. He announced that he would not
be a candidate for vice president the following year. Although he
publicly insisted that he jumped without having been shoved, privately
he told friends, "I didn't take myself off the ticket, you know - he
asked me to do it."
Rockefeller's withdrawal, along with Ford's clumsy firing of defense
secretary James Schlesinger, replacing him with Rumsfeld, became known
as the "Halloween Massacre". It resulted in a plunge in Ford's
popularity and polls that showed Reagan leading him for the Republican
nomination. Southern Republicans largely deserted the president for
Reagan, causing Rockefeller to comment that he had made a mistake in
withdrawing when he did. "I should have said in that letter ... when Bo
Callaway delivered to you the Southern delegates, then I'm off the
ticket." Ford responded, "You didn't make the mistake. We made the
mistake." Dumping Rockefeller embarrassed Ford as much as it did
Rockefeller. "It was the biggest political mistake of my life," Ford
confessed. "And it was one of the few cowardly things I did in my
life."
Despite being dropped, Rockefeller still wanted to be a major player.
Before the Republican convention in 1976, he even proposed taking over
as White House chief of staff, to help boost morale and public
confidence. At the convention, Rockefeller delivered the large New York
state delegation to Ford, participated in the choice of senator Robert
Dole as Ford's running mate, and placed Dole's name in nomination. He
campaigned hard for the Republican ticket in the fall. At one stop in
Birmingham, New York, hecklers provoked the vice president into making
an obscene gesture back at them. Photographs of the vice president
"giving the finger" were widely reprinted as a symbolic act of signing
out of politics. Meanwhile, the New York Times reported that Jimmy
Carter made a trip to New York to solicit support for his campaign.
Among the "fat cats" meeting with Carter was David Rockefeller.
The art of censorship
Political censorship was not the only focus. During Nelson
Rockefeller's first term as governor, Andy Warhol (1928-87) had been
commissioned in 1964 to create a piece for the facade of the New York
State pavilion at the World's Fair in Flushing Meadow, New York. The
work, Thirteen Most Wanted Men, was a mural-size composite of
enlarged police mugshots, mainly of young and handsome accused felons.
Almost immediately after the work was installed on the pavilion,
however, World's Fair officials had the piece painted over and
destroyed. Fair officials said that Warhol had been disappointed with
his work and wanted to replace it. Others said that governor
Rockefeller had found the mugshots not in keeping with the fair's
"Olympics of progress" theme. What no one dared mention, including the
homosexual artist, was the implicit homoeroticism of the work behind
the double entendre of the word "wanted".
In 1933, Paul Cadmus was hired by the PWAP (the Public Works Art
Program, a forerunner to the better-known WPA projects) to produce
paintings that dealt with American themes. Cadmus produced The
Fleet's In!, a painting that depicts drunken sailors on shore leave
carousing in New York's Riverside Park with a group of women - some of
whom may be men in drag - and at least one flamboyantly effeminate man.
When The Fleet's In! appeared in 1934 in an exhibition of
federally financed work at the Corcoran Gallery of Art in Washington,
DC, naval officials were outraged, and the painting was immediately
pulled from the show. Cadmus expressed surprise at the response, and
disavowed any scandalous intent; but the painting was not returned to
public view until 1981.
Once out of sight, however, The Fleet's In! became
sensationally visible. It was reproduced in newspapers and magazines
across the country. Consequently, Cadmus became an art star who got
considerable mileage out of inviting and evading questions about the
homoerotic tenor of his work. Five years later, in 1939, Cadmus was
hesitantly commissioned, under the auspices of the Treasury Section of
Fine Arts, to execute a mural for the Parcel Post Building in Richmond,
Virginia. His subject - Pocahontas Saving the Life of Captain John
Smith - seemed relatively safe. However, when a design of the
mural was publicly exhibited at Vassar College, controversy erupted.
The fact that one of Pocahontas's breasts was fully exposed met with
little concern or unease, but a male warrior's bared buttocks in the
center of the mural provoked an outcry of protest, as did the rendering
of another warrior with an animal pelt dangling between his legs. Given
the way Cadmus had positioned the fox skin, it bore a remarkable
resemblance to male genitalia. Government officials ordered Cadmus to
paint out the fox's snout, which resembled a penis.
Photographer Robert Mapplethorpe (1946-89) built a reputation on the
explicitly gay content of his work, which came under aggressive attack
during the late 1980s and early 1990s, when it became a rallying cry in
the era's "culture wars". When the Corcoran Gallery abruptly canceled a
Mapplethorpe show in 1989, the story was widely reported in the media
as a scandal, and the artist became a household name. In early 1989, a
retrospective of Mapplethorpe's work was organized by the University of
Pennsylvania's Institute of Contemporary Art, which had received
$30,000 for the show from the National Endowment for the Arts (NEA).
The retrospective, "Robert Mapplethorpe: The Perfect Moment", included
150 of Mapplethorpe's images: formal portraiture, flowers, children,
and carefully posed, sexually explicit, erotic scenes, some of which
were sadomasochistic. The exhibit was scheduled to tour seven cities
throughout the United States. As the show traveled, there were widely
disparate responses to the same material. For example, in Philadelphia
and Chicago, early in the tour, the show went largely unremarked and
generally received positive reviews. In Chicago, the show attracted
record-breaking crowds at the city's Museum of Contemporary Art. By the
summer of 1989, however, with the show heading to the Corcoran Gallery
of Art in Washington, DC, outrage over Mapplethorpe's work and the use
of federal money to fund the exhibit grew to a fever pitch. Although
most of the controversy focused on the gay sexual content of several of
the photographs, many conservative leaders and critics also purported
to find Mapplethorpe's portraits of black men racist and branded the
nude studies of young children (both male and female) child
pornography.
The outrage over Mapplethorpe's work was fueled mainly by such
conservative politicians as Jesse Helms, Dick Armey and Alfonse
D'Amato. Conservative cultural critic Richard Grenier, writing in the
Washington Times, labeled Mapplethorpe "the great catamite", a corrupt
form of "Ganymede", the young cupbearer to Zeus in Greek mythology. The
term was used in the Renaissance and the 18th century as a derogatory
designation of a boy kept by a man for sexual purposes. The critic
fantasized about dousing the body of the photographer with kerosene and
burning it.
But it was conservative Catholic columnist Patrick Buchanan who
launched the most sustained attack, through a series of virulent
syndicated newspaper columns. Declaring a cultural war, Buchanan
detected a struggle for the soul of America in the battle over the
arts. Ultimately, a letter signed by more than 100 congressmen was sent
to the chair of the NEA denouncing the use of federal money to fund the
Mapplethorpe exhibit as well as other federally funded and so-called
"obscene" work, such as Andres Serrano's photograph Piss Christ, which
depicts a crucifix submerged in a vat of the artist's own urine.
Serrano is not gay and his photograph was denounced for religious,
rather than sexual, reasons. The letter threatened to seek cuts in the
agency's $170 million budget that was up for approval, and demanded
that the NEA end its sponsorship of "morally reprehensible trash", and
provide new grant guidelines that would "clearly pay respect to public
standards of taste and decency".
Amid these attacks on the NEA, the director of the Corcoran Gallery
announced that it would be unwise for the gallery to go forward with
its commitment to host the Mapplethorpe retrospective. The Corcoran's
director felt that the appearance of such controversial images could
jeopardize the future of the NEA. The Corcoran itself was also
vulnerable since it had no endowment of its own and was dependent on
federal funds for a significant portion of its yearly budget. The
artistic community, both gay and straight, reacted with outrage. Three
days after the cancellation was announced, up to 100 protesters
demonstrated outside the gallery. Later that week, close to 1,000
demonstrators viewed slides of Mapplethorpe's work projected on the
facade of the Corcoran. Students at Corcoran's school of art
demonstrated several times. Several artists also boycotted the gallery,
withdrawing from scheduled group and solo shows. The Mapplethorpe
retrospective continued to generate heated debate, and legal action,
when it moved to Cincinnati's Contemporary Art Center. Within days of
the exhibition's opening, the center and its director were indicted on
charges of pandering, obscenity, and the illegal use of a child in
nudity-related material. The arrest and subsequent trial were a first
in the history of US art museums. The director of the center faced up
to one year in jail and a fine of $2,000, and the center itself could
have been fined $10,000. Several months of legal wrangling followed,
during which time the exhibit was allowed to remain open. The center
and its director were ultimately acquitted of all charges, but only
after a humiliating spectacle.
The Museum of Modern Art in autumn 2000 showed Tell it Like It Is!,
the National Coalition Against Censorship's
15-minute video on censorship of children's books, produced by Lora
Hays and Chris Pelzer. The anti-censorship film, which features Judy
Blume, other children's-book authors and their readers, was accompanied
by a feature-length film, Stranger With a Camera.
Svetlana Mintcheva, arts advocacy coordinator for the National
Coalition Against Censorship, wrote in a foreword for Free
Expression in Arts Funding: A Public Policy Report (2003): "Critic
Michael Brenson points out [that] the NEA was the product of Cold War
efforts to promote American culture combined with respect for
avant-garde artists as a breed of 'prophetic outsiders'. But the Cold
War ideology that drove the Kennedy and Johnson administrations in the
1960s to promote federal arts and humanities funding was ancient
history by 1989. It was no longer politically useful to idealize
artists and promote their works abroad; on the contrary, those in the
avant-garde could now more conveniently be demonized.
Anti-intellectualism, often a theme of the political right, could also
now be used to stir resentment against outre artists: the American
Family Association's July 1989 press release protesting the Serrano and
Mapplethorpe exhibits did this brilliantly by asking repeatedly why
truck drivers, factory workers, and sales clerks, who 'are artists
also', do not receive government grants."
In the meantime, government funding for the arts had grown and state
and local art councils were supporting a wide range of creative
production coming from under-represented minorities. When religious
groups singled out "offensive" art as a cause around which to mobilize
their constituencies, they savvily protested not the art itself, but
the public funds that went to its creators. Countering that line of
attack with the First Amendment obligation of government not to
discriminate against artwork based on the viewpoint it expresses can
lead to Pyrrhic victories: under pressure an art program can be
terminated; art councils can be de-funded.
With the largest budget of any government arts agency in the United
States, the New York City Department of Cultural Affairs has long
maintained "a de facto policy" of "not interfering in the rights of
freedom of expression of the groups that it supports". In September
1999, however, then-mayor Rudolph Giuliani, a Catholic, made headlines
by expressing outrage over the upcoming exhibit "Sensation: Young
British Artists from the Saatchi Collection" at the Brooklyn Museum of
Art. Giuliani announced that several works in the show were "sick" and
"disgusting"; and he was infuriated, in particular, by Chris Ofili's The
Holy Virgin Mary, a glittering, icon-like painting of an African
madonna with a dollop of dried elephant dung near one breast. The
painting was not smeared with dung, as some reports had it, and dried
elephant dung is not an insulting or blasphemous substance in African
culture. Indeed, Ofili used it in works that were clearly respectful,
including other works in the "Sensation" show.
Nevertheless, a week before "Sensation's" scheduled opening, Giuliani
ordered the Brooklyn Museum to cancel the show. He threatened that if
the museum refused, he would freeze funds that the city had already
allocated for general operating expenses (the city had not funded
"Sensation" specifically), and would evict the institution from its
public premises. On September 28, he stated that taxpayer money should
not "be used to support the desecration of important national or
religious symbols", and a city press release the same day denounced "an
exhibit which besmirches religion and is an insult to the community".
Giuliani's appeal to religious feelings - at a political moment when he
was preparing to run for the US Senate - and his refusal to entertain
explanations of the context and meaning of Ofili's work were painfully
reminiscent of the political grandstanding that had surrounded the
attacks on Serrano's Piss Christ 10 years before. It was
frequently noted that Giuliani needed a high-profile political issue on
which he could appeal to moral conservatives, particularly in view of
his pro-choice record on abortion. "Sensation" was an opportunity to
put his likely opponent, Hillary Clinton, on the spot. When Clinton
expressed aversion for the show but disagreement with Giuliani's desire
to shut it down, he responded: "Well, then, she agrees with using
public funds to attack and bash the Catholic religion."
This appeal to Catholics was hardly subtle, but it did not have the
outcome that Giuliani anticipated. Although "Sensation" remained
controversial, with pickets for and against it appearing in front of
the Brooklyn Museum during the first days of the show, New Yorkers
seemed generally unimpressed with Giuliani's rhetoric. And although the
arts community's response was not uniform, the New York City Arts
Coalition, consisting of more than 200 non-profit groups, organized a
protest statement within days of Giuliani's first comments, and within
a week, 22 of the 33 members of the city's Cultural Institutions Group
(private non-profit organizations that operate the city's cultural
landmarks) released a letter condemning his threats as a "dangerous
precedent" that could cause "lasting damage" to New York's cultural
life. The signers ranged from the Metropolitan Museum of Art to the
Staten Island Historical Society and the Bronx Zoo. Non-member
institutions including MOMA, the Frick Collection, and the Jewish
Museum also signed.
This outpouring did not move Giuliani, and when city officials
announced that they would withhold the Brooklyn Museum's monthly
payment of $497,554, due on October 1, the museum filed a First
Amendment lawsuit seeking to stop the retaliation and restore the
funds. The city countered with an eviction suit in state court, then
argued to the federal judge (unsuccessfully) that she must defer to the
state court action.
Opposition to Giuliani's concept of arts funding solidified during the
brief but dramatic litigation. Dozens of major institutions joined in
friend-of-the-court briefs opposing the mayor, including the
Metropolitan Museum, the Modern, the American Association of Museums,
the Whitney Museum, the New York Historical Society, the New York City
Arts Coalition, the New York Foundation for the Arts, the Wildlife
Conservation Society, the New York Hall of Science, the American
Association of Museum Directors, and the Alliance of Resident
Theaters/New York. Local political leaders also filed a brief
supporting the museum.
In November 1999, Judge Nina Gershon released her decision. Following
the Supreme Court's reasoning in the Finley case, she explained that,
even in the provision of subsidies, government cannot engage in
viewpoint discrimination, and furthermore, that the city's coercive
actions amounted to an unconstitutional effort to penalize the museum
and suppress the art being shown. Judge Gershon wrote: "There is no
federal constitutional issue more grave than the effort by government
officials to censor works of expression and to threaten the vitality of
a major cultural institution as punishment for failing to abide by
governmental demands for orthodoxy."
Giuliani described the court decision as "the usual knee-jerk reaction
of some judges" and vowed to appeal, but in March 2000, he settled the
case and agreed to restore the museum's funding. So matters stood until
April 2001, when the mayor activated a largely dormant Cultural Affairs
Advisory Commission and instructed it to establish "decency standards"
for New York City's public museums. The catalyst was another work by a
black artist, Renee Cox's nude Yo Mama's Last Supper, again at
the Brooklyn Museum, although this time the publicity and the level of
sensationalism surrounding Giuliani's disapproval of the work were more
subdued.
Giuliani's successor, Mayor Michael Bloomberg, had no interest in
continuing the decency campaign. In February 2003, he appointed 21 new
members to the Cultural Affairs Advisory Commission, including MOMA
president-emerita Agnes Gund and artist Chuck Close. The new members
would provide assistance and advocacy for cultural groups, but would
not screen for indecency. New York's experience, like that of San
Antonio, Texas, and ultimately that of Charlotte-Mecklenburg, North
Carolina, suggests that efforts to censor art based on the "taxpayers'
money" rationale do not always succeed. While lawsuits were necessary
in the short term to restore public funding for San Antonio's Esperanza
Peace and Justice Center and for the Brooklyn Museum, in the long run,
as the experience in Charlotte-Mecklenburg suggests, political support
and good public relations are critical in maintaining censorship-free
arts funding.
The question is: If public funding is not a proper rationale for
efforts to censor art, can private funding be a proper rationale to
censor art in a public space? In 1950, the Modern excluded the still
life A Distinguished Air from a major Demuth retrospective
because it considered its sexual theme too controversial. Charles
Demuth (1883-1935) painted a series of watercolors of sailors with
their genitals uncovered but was best known for his landscapes of
industrial America, featuring bridges, grain silos and factories. The
Rivera mural/Rockefeller Center case clearly demonstrates that in the
US, private money enjoys a higher power prerogative than even public
funds.
(This is the concluding article in this series.) |
|
|
|
|